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The dataset generation failed
Error code: DatasetGenerationError
Exception: ArrowInvalid
Message: JSON parse error: Missing a closing quotation mark in string. in row 369
Traceback: Traceback (most recent call last):
File "/usr/local/lib/python3.12/site-packages/datasets/packaged_modules/json/json.py", line 174, in _generate_tables
df = pandas_read_json(f)
^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^
File "/usr/local/lib/python3.12/site-packages/datasets/packaged_modules/json/json.py", line 38, in pandas_read_json
return pd.read_json(path_or_buf, **kwargs)
^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^
File "/usr/local/lib/python3.12/site-packages/pandas/io/json/_json.py", line 815, in read_json
return json_reader.read()
^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^
File "/usr/local/lib/python3.12/site-packages/pandas/io/json/_json.py", line 1014, in read
obj = self._get_object_parser(self.data)
^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^
File "/usr/local/lib/python3.12/site-packages/pandas/io/json/_json.py", line 1040, in _get_object_parser
obj = FrameParser(json, **kwargs).parse()
^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^
File "/usr/local/lib/python3.12/site-packages/pandas/io/json/_json.py", line 1176, in parse
self._parse()
File "/usr/local/lib/python3.12/site-packages/pandas/io/json/_json.py", line 1392, in _parse
ujson_loads(json, precise_float=self.precise_float), dtype=None
^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^
ValueError: Trailing data
During handling of the above exception, another exception occurred:
Traceback (most recent call last):
File "/usr/local/lib/python3.12/site-packages/datasets/builder.py", line 1815, in _prepare_split_single
for _, table in generator:
^^^^^^^^^
File "/src/services/worker/src/worker/job_runners/config/parquet_and_info.py", line 691, in wrapped
for item in generator(*args, **kwargs):
^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^
File "/usr/local/lib/python3.12/site-packages/datasets/packaged_modules/json/json.py", line 177, in _generate_tables
raise e
File "/usr/local/lib/python3.12/site-packages/datasets/packaged_modules/json/json.py", line 151, in _generate_tables
pa_table = paj.read_json(
^^^^^^^^^^^^^^
File "pyarrow/_json.pyx", line 342, in pyarrow._json.read_json
File "pyarrow/error.pxi", line 155, in pyarrow.lib.pyarrow_internal_check_status
File "pyarrow/error.pxi", line 92, in pyarrow.lib.check_status
pyarrow.lib.ArrowInvalid: JSON parse error: Missing a closing quotation mark in string. in row 369
The above exception was the direct cause of the following exception:
Traceback (most recent call last):
File "/src/services/worker/src/worker/job_runners/config/parquet_and_info.py", line 1450, in compute_config_parquet_and_info_response
parquet_operations, partial, estimated_dataset_info = stream_convert_to_parquet(
^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^
File "/src/services/worker/src/worker/job_runners/config/parquet_and_info.py", line 993, in stream_convert_to_parquet
builder._prepare_split(
File "/usr/local/lib/python3.12/site-packages/datasets/builder.py", line 1702, in _prepare_split
for job_id, done, content in self._prepare_split_single(
^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^
File "/usr/local/lib/python3.12/site-packages/datasets/builder.py", line 1858, in _prepare_split_single
raise DatasetGenerationError("An error occurred while generating the dataset") from e
datasets.exceptions.DatasetGenerationError: An error occurred while generating the datasetNeed help to make the dataset viewer work? Make sure to review how to configure the dataset viewer, and open a discussion for direct support.
num_tokens
int64 | nll
float64 | text
string | decode_orders
string |
|---|---|---|---|
2,048
| 2.705584
|
Public Web Sites with Free Referrals - No Registration Required
www.optometrists.org - www.children-special-needs.org - www.visiontherapy.org
Choosing An Eye Doctor
by Patricia S. Lemer, M.Ed., NCC
Executive Director, Developmental Delay Resources
...Pediatric Developmental Optometrist or Pediatric Ophthalmologist?
A parent recently asked why I recommend that her child be examined by a pediatric optometrist rather than a pediatric ophthalmologist. The answer comes from my understanding of these two types of eye doctors and my personal experience.
Both types of eye doctors examine and prescribe glasses, diagnose and treat eye disease, and can evaluate how well a person uses the eyes together. However, each profession is unique.
Ophthalmologists are trained to do surgery. I credit one with saving the eyesight of my daughter, who at age five sustained an eye injury. Optometrists are schooled in the developmental (behavioral, functional or environmental) aspects of vision. Optometrists are more apt to use lenses, prisms and Vision Therapy to enhance and improve visual function. These interventions often improve children's academic and other abilities.
Making the Right Choice
Scientific evidence indicates that interventions such as Vision Therapy, used by behavioral optometrists, work. If your child has developmental delays of any kind, choose to have all aspects of vision evaluated. The Find Pediatric Eye Doctor
can help you locate eye care professionals qualified to evaluate even the most difficult, non-verbal children.
The American Optometric Association publishes a monograph, The Efficacy of Optometric Vision Therapy, containing 238 references; it is available free of charge from the Developmental Delay Resources
End of this excerpted quote by Patricia S. Lemer, M.Ed., NCC
Excerpts from the book:
Buzzards to Bluebirds: Improve Your Child's Learning and Behavior in Six Weeks
by Educators, Allen and Virginia Crane
Pediatric Optometrist or Pediatric Ophthalmologist?
"The emphasis of ophthalmology is eye disease and eye surgery; this is their domain, their area of expertise. Dr. Malcolm L. Mazow, an opthalmologist, wrote in the discussion section of his paper "Acute Accommodative and Convergence Insufficiency,"1
"My impression is that many ophthalmologists handle this disorder poorly and many of the patients end up under the care of optometrists." Another opthalmologist, Dr. David L. Guyton, in the same article said, "I agree with Dr. Mazow
we have probably abdicated the study of accommodation and convergence to the optometric profession. A perusal of the literature will reveal that most of the advances in this area are being made in the optometric institutions by vision scientists who use definitions and terms with which we are not even familiar."
All optometrists are thoroughly trained to detect eye disease, examine binocular vision and convergence, and perform refraction (the fitting of eye glasses and contact lenses). Beyond that, in postdoctoral study, optometrists learn one or more specialites. Some specialize in contact lenses, some in geriatrics, some in functional vision, some in sports vision. Specialists in behavioral optometry or developmental optometry treat individuals with developmental or functional vision problems. Specialists in neuro-optometric Vision Therapy or rehabilitation work with individuals who have visual disturbances with neurological causes, (i.e., birth trauma, brain damage, head trauma).
When unable to detect a vision problem quickly, the non-functional vision specialists may suggest that your child be referred to a psychologist or psychiatrist to explain your child's symptoms. Remember that if your child develops symptoms during reading, this indicates a vision problem. Your child does not require a psychologist or psychiatrist.
Be sure to screen vision specialists to find an optometrist who will do the comprehensive testing you require and will be able to give the assistance you need to correct any vision problems. Free and immediate referrals to specialists in behavioral optometry or developmental optometry can be obtained by filling out a form at the Find Pediatric Eye Doctor
End of excerpt: Buzzards to Bluebirds: Improve Your Child's Learning and Behavior in Six Weeks
Additional excerpted writings:
Patricia S. Lemer, M.Ed., NCC
Executive Director, Developmental Delay Resources
Eyesight vs. Vision
Eyesight and vision are not synonymous. Eyesight is the sharpness of the image seen by the eye. Vision is the ability to focus on and comprehend that which is seen. Research has shown that while most children with special needs do not have eyesight problems, many have visual dysfunction. If a child has motor delays, vestibular difficulties, or health problems, vision is often compromised.
The American Optometric Association (AOA) recommends that children have vision examinations by six months. A good eye doctor can test many aspects of function at this young age and quickly effect changes with intervention.
Most school vision screenings check only eyesight, and only at twenty feet, not at reading distance. They rarely tell us whether a child has a clear image at nearpoint or how the eyes work together. The only information they provide is whether a child can see the blackboard. Many vision problems thus go undetected when parents have false security and brag, "My kid's eyes are 20/20!"
Vision is Learned
Vision, like reading, mathematics, and language, is learned. Giving meaning to what is seen begins at birth. In the developmental hierarchy, infants move without purpose, while their eyes learn how to work as a team, to sustain focus. Toddlers use movement to drive vision, such as shaking a rattle for its sound before looking at it. Finally, children can visualize without movement. Thus, for children to be successful in school, vision must purposefully direct their actions.
Vision Lays the Foundation for Language & Relationships
Vision plays a major role in language and social-emotional development. Children with language delays, attention deficits, pervasive developmental disorders and autism all have inefficient visual systems. If a toddler is not speaking or relating to others, a vision evaluation is essential.
A developmental optometrist can prescribe therapeutic and pleasurable activities to be done at home, during floor time, occupational and language therapy, or at day care. Combining the visual system with touch, movement, audition and social experiences benefits all areas. Begin Where They Are, a workbook designed by vision therapists and available through the DDR, has good ideas for pre-verbal children and toddlers.
The Developmental Delay Resources is a not-for-profit organization whose mission is to educate parents and professionals supporting children with developmental delays about healthy options for treating the whole child.
End of excerpt: Patricia S. Lemer, M.Ed., NCC
Additional excerpted writings: Buzzards to Bluebirds: Improve Your Child's Learning and Behavior in Six Weeks
by Educators, Allen and Virginia Crane
Hypophoria, Hypertropia, Hyper, Vertical Misalignment
The authors, Allen and Virginia Crane, believe that the most overlooked problem in vision is vertical misalignment: wherein one eye aims higher than the other (sometimes one eye is actually placed physically higher than the other in the child's face); technically termed hypophoria or hypertropia or simply "hyper." The established allowable norm used by many eye doctors is two diopters (a unit that expresses the power of a lens).2
This means that one eye may normally aim about 1/4 inch lower at reading distance than the other eye. This is a large amount. In comparison, behavioral optometrists use 1/2 diopter as the allowable norm.
Sample of the difference 1/2 diopter can make.
In some cases, 1/4 of a diopter can prevent a child from learning the alphabet and reading properly because of all the extra effort required to keep a clear image. The child can do this for only a short period of time and comprehension can be poor. The eyes can keep good alignment only for a short time and then must be rested. This can explain why many children are labeled as having a short attention span, being hyperactive or having attention deficit hyperactive disorder (ad/hd, adhd, attention deficit hyperactivity disorder). Actually, many are resting their eyes, an involuntary physical need. A vertical alignment problem is easier to correct than to diagnose. During our research, we found that only behavioral optometrists diagnosed and corrected vertical problems directly.
In our experience, directly training vertical alignment at the beginning of vision training activities shortens the total time required to eliminate visual symptoms.
Note that a behavioral optometrist may correct vertical alignment problems by including the proper amount of prism in glasses to compensate for the problem (prismatic lenses or prism lenses). These doctors use several methods to determine the prism correction necessary. One technique is patching one eye for up to forty-eight hours, then remeasuring the vertical alignment. A second technique is a fixation disparity test which takes special equipment and about twenty minutes.3
A series of prisms is used and a vertical alignment curve plotted to determine the amount of prism needed.4
In order to locate an eye doctor who has the competence and knowledge to help you, search through the Referral Directory: Find a Pediatric Eye Doctor
. These eye doctors have passed extensive written and oral examinations by certifications boards in behavioral optometry. If there is no eye doctor listed in your community, contact the nearest Fellow listed in the Directory and ask for more information regarding a qualified person in your area.
Malzow, M.L.; France, T.D.; Finkleman, S.; Frank, P.; Jenkins, P. "Acute Accommodative and Convergence Insufficiency," Tr. Amer. Opth. Soc., Vol LXXXVIII, 1989.
Boorish, I.M. Clinical Refraction, 3rd edition, Chicago, IL: The Professional Press, Inc., 1970. p. 869.
Scheinman, M.; Wick, B.,
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2,048
| 2.663848
|
The Bangladesh War of 1971—in which up to 3 million people were killed, and hundreds of thousands of women raped—seemingly has its roots in strange cartography. As University of Chicago professor Rochona Majumdar puts it, the 1947 Partition between India and Pakistan was geographically “very weird,” with the nation of Pakistan split into two noncontiguous land masses. Mapped to the west of India was West Pakistan, the largest ethnic group of which comprised Punjabis (mostly in the western part of the now divided Punjab, the eastern part of which lay in India), but also Pakhtuni-, Balochi-, and Sindhi-speaking peoples, who largely spoke and/or understood Urdu, a language rooted in India’s United Provinces (now Uttar Pradesh). The eastern “wing” of the country, East Pakistan—later Bangladesh—was on the other side of India, largely Bengali-speaking with ties to India’s Bengal. As the BBC points out, the provinces were separated by “more than 1,500 km of Indian territory,” or 932 miles. From the beginning, the state was carved into separate sociolinguistic regions.
Adding to the strain was the fact that the Pakistani army was drawn largely from the Punjabis and Pukhtoons of West Pakistan. Although statistically there were more Bengali than Urdu speakers in the nation, Bengali speakers from the East were poorly represented. This became especially divisive during early periods of military rule.
Just two years after the creation of Pakistan, a group called the Awami League was formed in an effort to petition for East Pakistan’s autonomy. At the end of 1970, the League won in a landslide election in East Pakistan—the first election in Pakistan’s history in which voters could directly choose members of the National Assembly. Though the victory meant the League would control the government, the government in West Pakistan refused to acknowledge the results. Rioting ensued.
In 1971, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman (called Mujib), leader of the Awami League, declared independence and renamed East Pakistan “Bangladesh.” Talks between leaders failed to bring reconciliation; on March 23, 1971, East Pakistan, at the direction of Mujib, celebrated “Resistance Day” instead of the national “Republic Day.” Mujib was later arrested and moved to West Pakistan. Soon after, Pakistan began Operation Searchlight, its violent crackdown on Bangladesh. The fighting lasted nine months. India, which took in up to 10 million refugees from East Pakistan/Bangladesh, aided the rebels in their fight against Pakistan.
In December of 1971, Bangladeshi “freedom fighters,” with the help of Indian military forces, defeated Pakistan’s soldiers.
Human Rights Watch estimated that Pakistani forces killed up to 3 million people, though the Pakistani government sets that number much lower, at about 26,000. Hundreds of thousands of women and young girls were raped, though estimates on sexualized violence vary greatly as well. However, as Yasmin Saikia, chair of Peace Studies at Arizona State University's Center for the Study of Religion and Conflict and author of several books about the Indian subcontinent, explains, the 1971 war must be viewed in the context of longer-term conflict in the region. Present-day India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh, she says, all committed profound acts of violence between the late 1940s and early 1970s.
How Sexualized Violence Is Used as a Weapon of War
To break up families and communities: Many families did not accept women and young girls after they returned home from rape camps and other sites of abuse. Children of rape were rarely accepted, either. As a result of being rejected, many women committed suicide. As Bangladesh’s Daily Star reports, others “fled to Pakistan with their Pakistani captors rather than face what awaited them in Bangladeshi society.” It’s likely that the military had this effect in mind when systematically attacking women and girls. (See also “Witness.”)
To wield power: Food rations were withheld from women and young girls in rape camps until they acquiesced each day to repeated sexual assault.
To humiliate: Rape survivors, though called “war heroines” by the government, were stigmatized and made to feel ashamed of their ordeals. One survivor says she and others stayed with the soldiers who’d hurt them because of how palpable the rejection was by Bangladeshi men. Many women, shunned by their communities, fled to other towns or committed suicide. Again, this was likely no surprise to the military officials who encouraged soldiers to rape. Women and nation were viewed as related concepts, rendering women during nationalist fights prime targets of attack, says Rochona Majumda.
Patterns of Violence
- Rape camps: Thousands of Bengali women were abducted and held by force in barracks, where they were raped night after night for months. According to Susan Brownmiller, author of a groundbreaking 1975 book on rape, captive women and young girls were raped by anywhere from two to 80 men a night. Browmiller writes that Khadiga, a 13-year-old survivor interviewed in an abortion clinic by a female photojournalist, was at first “gagged to keep from screaming during attacks.” But as months passed and “the captives’ spirit was broken, the soldiers devised a simple quid pro quo. They withheld the daily ration of food until the girls had submitted to the full quota.” One survivor Arizona State University professor Yasmin Saikia interviewed stated that when her fellow captives died due to continuous torture, she and the other women were forced to dig graves and bury their peers. Brownmiller relays the words of an Indian reporter who writes that pornographic movies were shown to soldiers “in an obvious attempt to work the men up.”
- Brownmiller reports that women of all ages were sexually assaulted, from young girls to 75-year-old grandmothers.
- Mass rape followed by mass murder: According to interviews with survivors, young girls were “strapped to green banana trees and repeatedly gang-raped. A few weeks later, they were strapped to the same trees and hacked to death.” Women were often left in mass graves.
- Gender-based mutilation: Women’s bodies found in mass graves often had their breasts cut off.
In the span of just nine months, the Bangladeshi government estimates, 200,000 women and girls were raped. Even more staggering numbers have been suggested elsewhere. A 1973 article in the New York Times Magazine quotes the chair of the National Board of Bangladesh Women’s Rehabilitation Program—the organization formed to help survivors: “Dr. [Geoffrey] Davis of the International Planned Parenthood Federation who traveled all over Bangladesh,” the chair reports, “estimates that at least 400,000 women were ravished by the Pakistanis.”
A 2009 Human Rights Watch report states that rape occurred on a “large but undetermined scale (figures of 200,000 to 400,000 victims are often mentioned in the literature, though some scholars claim that these figures are seriously inflated).” Controversial scholarship from Indian scholar Sarmila Bose, who published a journal article that appeared to downplay rape as well as a book about the 1971 war, sparked a backlash from other scholars on Bangladesh.
As always, the incidence of sexualized violence is not easy to calculate. In Bangladesh, however, where stigma and social exclusion for rape survivors was quite brutal following the war, numbers may be especially difficult to determine.
Cultural Gender Attitudes
University of Chicago historian Rochona Majumdar explains that in the Indian subcontinent, there is a deeply held concept of the nation as mother, and women as mothers of the nation. This notion became even stronger during periods of nationalism. Majumdar believes that this is a mindset that especially leads to violence against women—their wombs, breasts, and other symbols of maternity. As recently as 2002, she says, during a riot in the Indian state of Gujarat, “pregnant women’s wombs were pulled out.”
Although women participated somewhat heavily during moments of nationalism in the region’s history, they are still encumbered by gender roles, says Majumdar. “They come out of the house, they are out on the street, but they’re out on the street as wives and sisters and mothers.”
Although women were being educated in large numbers, she adds, marriage and motherhood were still considered the most important goals for women.
Saleha Begum, interviewed for a September 2011 story in Women’s eNews, was part of a group of women that was repeatedly gang raped, and later shot. She described being rescued from a pile of dead bodies by a Bangladeshi “freedom fighter,” only to then endure abuse as a rape survivor:
Begum said her captors—Pakistani Army soldiers known as the “Khans”—had bound the women to green banana trees, and “burned our faces and bodies with cigarettes. My body was swollen, I could barely move," she said. Between being raped, she was given some bread or a few fried vegetables, she said.
Another survivor tells of how the rejection from her community was so strong that she and other captives preferred to stay with their rapists after being rescued, rather than face being shamed:
"We went with them voluntarily because when we were being pulled out from the bunkers by the Indian soldiers, some of us half-clad, others half-dead, the hatred and deceit I saw in the eyes of our countrymen standing by, I could not raise my eyes a second time. They were throwing various dirty words at us ... I did not imagine that we would be subjected to so much hatred
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Nursing Now campaign, of the State of the World’s Nursing 2020 (SOWN)(11 World Health Organization. State of the World's Nursing 2020: investing in education, jobs and leadership [Internet]. Geneva: World Health Organization; 2020. [cited Apr 28 2020]. Available from: https://www.who.int/publications-detail/nursing-report-2020
https://www.who.int/publications-detail/... ). Then came the unexpected one, the Covid-19 pandemic. Only time will tell the impact of those two events, but we can already identify implications for the education and practice of nurses, the theme of this issue of the Revista Latino-Americana de Enfermagem (RLAE). In 2020, two series of events highlighted the centrality of the role of nurses in the delivery of health services; one was planned, the other not. First, there is the designation by the World Health Assembly of 2020 as the International Year of the Nurse and the Midwife and the publication by World Health Organization (WHO), with the support of the International Council of Nurses and of the
The SOWN is the first global portrait of the nursing profession. It documents and discusses the availability and distribution of nurses worldwide, their roles, their working conditions and the quality of their education. While the overall image of the nursing workforce is positive, the report identifies shortcomings that need the attention of the profession and of policy makers. Two examples are the diversity of what is called a “nurses”, and the variations in the density of nurses by population. The report counted 144 distinct titles of nurses around the world, with differences in competencies requirements, education contents and strategies, and in scopes of practice. In the WHO Region of the Americas, 31 titles were identified, not counting assistants or auxiliaries. Some countries recognize a high degree of autonomy, including prescription rights, to certain categories of nurses, while others still limit the role of nurses to subordination to physicians. A second example is the extreme variations in the density of nurses between regions of the world and between countries of different level of economic development. Among the six WHO regions, the Americas is the Region with the highest density (83.4/10000), higher than Europe (79.3). However, this figure conceals the great differences between countries, ranging from 106 and 111/10000 in Canada and the United State of America (USA) respectively, to less than 4/10000 in Haiti, Honduras and the Dominican Republic with(22 Cassiani SHB, Hoyos MC, Barreto MFC, Sives K, da Silva FAM. Distribución de la fuerza de trabajo en enfermería en la Región de las Américas. Rev Panam Salud Publica. 2018;42:e72. https://doi. org/10.26633/RPSP.2018.72
https://doi. org/10.26633/RPSP.2018.72... ).
As to the health crisis, it has revealed the lack of preparedness of countries, even those with abundant resources, like Canada, the USA and a number of European countries, and the lack of solidarity between countries and sometimes within the same country. The warnings and advices of international health authorities, namely WHO, and of national public health ones, have not always been timely accepted by political decision makers, and were even ignored by some who denied the importance of the epidemics. On the positive side, the crisis showed the dedication of health workers in general and particularly of nurses who are at the forefront of the response to the epidemics, often at the expense of their own health and safety. It highlighted the competencies and the indispensable role of nurses, not only in intensive care as rapidly became evident, but at all levels of service delivery. At the same time, the crisis revealed how demanding the work of nurses is, and how difficult their working conditions are.
These two events show that even though nursing has made great progress in the recent past, major challenges remain to ensure that nurses contribute fully to achieving universal health coverage. In a majority of countries of the world, the main challenge is to increase the nursing workforce to a level that makes health services accessible to everyone. This requires at least three changes in the education pipeline: to increase the capacity of admission in education institutions, to attract more young people to nursing, and to harmonize education programs and quality assurance mechanisms. Regarding practice, challenges include to provide nurses with a safe, supportive and motivating work environment and to develop or strengthen the monitoring and promotion of the quality of work .
In order to respond to these challenges, effective health workforce policies focusing on education are needed. In nursing, this means investing in the capacity of education institutions and in the recruitment of more educators; also in measures to attract more suitable candidates, including men, to nursing studies, and to prevent attrition during studies so that most admitted students actually graduate. However, more does not mean more of the same: nurses must be equipped with the right competencies, in alignment with the needs of health services and with those of the population(33 Frenk J, Chen L, Bhutta ZA, Cohen J, Crisp N, Evans T, et al. Health professionals for a new century: transforming education to strengthen health systems in an interdependent world. Lancet. 2010 Dec 4;376(9756):1923-58. doi: 10.1016/S0140-6736(10)61854-5.
https://doi.org/10.1016/S0140-6736(10)61... -44 Cassiani SHDB, Wilson LL, Mikael SSE, Morán-Peña L, Zarate-Grajales R, McCreary LL, et al. The situation of nursing education in Latin America and the Caribbean towards universal health. Rev. Latino-Am. Enfermagem. 2017;25:e2913. doi: https://doi.org/10.1590/1518-8345.2232.2913
https://doi.org/10.1590/1518-8345.2232.2... ) including in areas that tend to be less valued, such as mental health, geriatrics or primary care. Then all nurses should have the opportunity to adapt and improve their competencies all along their career. The harmonization of programs and of their quality can be realized through the accreditation, by independent bodies, of schools, whether public or private, and of pre-service, clinical training, and long-life programs(55 World Health Organization. Global Strategy on HRH: Workforce 2030 [Internet]. Geneva: World Health Organization; 2016. [cited Apr 28 2020]. Available from: https://www.who.int/hrh/resources/globstrathrh-2030/en/
https://www.who.int/hrh/resources/globst... ). This would facilitate the harmonization of titles, including of specialties, though, in the context of a globalized health labour market, countries must offer employment and working conditions that encourage retention and limit emigration of the nurses they train.
Scaling-up the status of nurses will enable them to contribute more fully to the availability and quality of health services, in roles that are complementary to that of other health professionals. This is challenging in an environment in which numerous actors with competing interests and objectives interact. For-profit private schools may resist regulation, or medical organizations may oppose the expansion of the role of nurses. Advocacy and recommendations by international agencies like WHO and the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO), and by international and regional professional associations, can help mobilize the political support needed for change to happen. Research is also important to inform policy decisions, and, in that respect, nursing schools and faculties play a critical role in producing the evidence that can convince political decision makers to invest in nursing education and in the development of the profession.
This thematic issue of the RLAE is therefore more than opportune, as it stimulates the dissemination of research results and of innovative actions within the profession. It will show that nursing can move from roles of subordination to ones of complementarity, and make a difference to the benefit of everyone. The next step is to translate this message in a language that speaks to policy makers and to the population, who will be the ultimate beneficiary of a stronger and better performing nursing workforce.
The publication of this article in the Thematic Series “Human Resources in Health and Nursing” is part of Activity 2.2 of Reference Term 2 of the PAHO/WHO Collaborating Centre for Nursing Research Development, Brazil.
1World Health Organization. State of the World's Nursing 2020: investing in education, jobs and leadership [Internet]. Geneva: World Health Organization; 2020. [cited Apr 28 2020]. Available from: https://www.who.int/publications-detail/nursing-report-2020
2Cassiani SHB, Hoyos MC, Barreto MFC, Sives K, da Silva FAM. Distribución de la fuerza de trabajo en enfermería en la Región de las Américas. Rev Panam Salud Publica. 2018;42:e72. https://doi. org/
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Sunday, July 23, 2017
1 Samuel 1: 1-28
The story of Hannah is a familiar one. A devout woman and a faithful wife, Hannah yearns and yearns for a child and at the very moment that she gives up hope entirely, God intervenes and blesses her with a pregnancy. It’s such a familiar story that we can easily lose sight of the particulars of Hannah’s experience.
Hannah is one of two wives married to a man named Elkanah. The “other” wife – and that’s exactly how this wife is introduced in the story, as “other” – is named Penninah and she has given Elkanah children, making Hannah subservient to her in the household. This conflict is the very first thing that we learn about Hannah’s life and is meant to recall earlier stories of infertility and domestic conflict.
The story of Hannah echoes the stories of the three Jewish matriarchs that preceded her: Sarah, Rebecca, and Rachel. We’ve told the stories of their sons these past few weeks – Sarah is the mother of Isaac, Rebecca is the mother to the rival twins Jacob and Esau, and Rachel is wife of Jacob and mother to Joseph and Benjamin. We tell the story of the founding of Israel through the perspectives and experiences of the Patriarchs and their stories have common themes: honor, betrayal, division, reconciliation, and restoration. But, we can also tell this story – our story – through the experience of childlessness and the ways in which the narrative of the Matriarchs, in the words of Lillian Klein “takes a woman’s pain and places it in her personal failure and draws it out in a communal context.”
At the start of Hannah’s story, the one it most closely resembles is that of Sarah, who becomes pregnant with Isaac at the age of ninety (Abraham is 100). Sarah also has a woman rival in her household – Hagar, her Egyptian maidservant, who has a son Ishmael with Abraham. Hagar is banished by Sarah after the birth of Isaac. The relationship between Hannah and Penninah is meant to recall that of Sarah and Hagar. In both stories, it’s the birth of a son that raises the status of one woman over another. When Sarah gives birth to Isaac she acquires power over Hagar and wields it with brutality. Entire fields of study within Christian ethics are dedicated to telling the story of Israel from the perspective of Hagar and women like her, the “other” women populating the margins of the Matriarch’s stories.
Often, women’s very bodies become a site of conflict between the expectations of culture and the most intimate desires of the heart. No matriarch better exemplifies this than Sarah’s daughter-in-law Rebecca, who spends twenty years praying for a child with Isaac. Unlike Sarah and Hannah, Rebecca is not locked in conflict with another wife. Rather, as soon as she becomes pregnant, her very body becomes the site of conflict between her twin sons: Jacob and Esau. According to Midrash, during this difficult pregnancy, whenever Rebecca would walk past a house of Torah, Jacob would struggle to come out. When she walked past a house of idolatry, Esau would struggle to come out. This makes for a terrifying experience for Rebecca who initially believes herself to be pregnant with one very disturbed child, as opposed to two sons so alive they’re practically killing her. Sick with worry and exhausted from the grueling experience of her pregnancy Rebecca goes into temple and asks the Lord, “If it is to be this way, why do I live?”
And the Lord says to her, “Two nations are in your womb, and two peoples born of you shall be divided; the one shall be stronger than the other, the elder shall serve the younger.”
The twins are born and their struggle continues well into adulthood. When Isaac decides that it is time to give the blessing of the first born to Esau. Rebecca helps to disguise Jacob so that he can steal the blessing meant for his brother. Later, Rebecca sends Jacob to her brother Laban where he falls in love with his daughter Rachel and eventually marries both Rachel and her sister Leah. And the familiar story begins again, this time taking to even greater extremes the hostilities that erupt between women in households where worthiness is determined by how many sons they bear.
Rachel finally becomes pregnant and gives birth to Joseph, Jacob’s favorite child. A fact that will wreak great havoc and calamity in a family already deeply fractured by the grief of women. Rachel’s story isn’t a happy one. She becomes pregnant a second time, again after a long period of prayerful devotion, and dies giving birth to Benjamin.
According to many Biblical scholars, the infertility of the Matriarchs – Sarah, Rebecca, and Rachel – is meant to heighten the drama surrounding the eventual birth of their sons, setting Isaac, Jacob and Joseph apart as special in the history of Israel. It also teaches that pregnancy is an act of God. The story of Hannah is important because it simultaneously echoes the stories of the Jewish Matriarchs while also pointing toward the stories of Mary and Elizabeth in the New Testament, for whom motherhood is an act of devastating sacrifice. Like the Matriarchs, Hannah years for a child. And like Elizabeth, Hannah’s experience of motherhood is inseparable from the sacrifice of the much yearned for child.
The story of Hannah occupies a meeting place between Judaism and early Protestantism. In both traditions, Hannah exemplifies the importance of private, personal prayer with God. In Judaism, the Song of Hannah, the prayer she sings when she gives her son Samuel over to God, is the haftarah reading on Rosh Hashanah, the Jewish New Year. And in Christianity, if you google “Hannah children’s sermon” you’ll gain some painful insight into how Hannah’s story has been distilled over time in our teaching. There are hundreds of results with titles like God Gives Hannah a Baby. It starts early, even in children’s sermon titles, our Christian teaching that if a woman just prays hard enough, God will give her a baby. The church has been hurting women for millennia with teachings like that, adding shame to the feelings of personal failure that accompany many people’s experience of childlessness. I want to say that that is not the God I know, nor is it the church that I know we can be.
Each of the women in the stories I’ve told today lived in deep, dissonant conflict with a culture that tied their status and worthiness to motherhood. Hannah exemplifies this tension, she wants motherhood so terribly that she decides the path to motherhood for her will mean giving away the very child her heart desires. Hannah’s story resonates across millennia because women continue to live in the tension between cultural expectations and personal desires. Nowhere has this become more apparent to me than in my work at Planned Parenthood where I volunteer as an abortion doula.
An abortion doula provides emotional support to patients immediately before, during, and after an abortion procedure. On a typical two and a half hour shift, this means that I walk into the procedure room a few minutes before the doctor and introduce myself and let the patient know that I’m there to support them during the procedure. Whether they’d like a hand to hold, distracting chit chat, or simply quiet, I am there to hold space for them.
That’s what we call what we try to do for patients at Planned Parenthood, and what we can all strive to do in our relationships. We hold space for a person whenever we are willing to be present with them without judgment, without trying to “fix” something (or someone), but by opening our hearts and offering support in a way that allows people space to trust themselves and their own intuition. Holding space is a type of compassionate care that recognizes that people know their own truth best.
That’s a radical notion for those of us who live in the tension between our culture’s expectations of us and the most intimate desires of our hearts. Sometimes, not always, but sometimes in the moments after a procedure, when I’m alone again with a patient, words will start tumbling out of her mouth. We’ve held hands. I’ve looked into her eyes and wiped her tears. And now, as I’m helping her to put herself back together, she starts to tell a story. Sometimes telling me their story is an intimate act of catharsis, of letting go of the hoped-for and being present in the messiness of the everyday. In those moments, the procedure room at Planned Parenthood becomes the holiest of holy ground. But, often, the stories I hear, I’m only privy to because even in the midst of their grief and sadness, a patient thinks that they have to explain their decision to me. No amount of absolutely amazing space holding can un-teach a woman a lifetime of being told that they must justify their most personal decisions to strangers.
Over the past half-century, American Christianity has become more and more obsessed with the individual over and against the communal. Our theology has come to emphasize personal and private decisions rather than the cultural contexts in which those decisions are made. Nowhere is this more apparent than in the way we treat people seeking abortion care in the United States. Every time I walk into the clinic at Planned Parenthood I walk past posters that the state require be posted in the waiting room: It is against the law in Tennessee to coerce a woman against her will into an abortion, they declare in bold type.
Yet, everyday women in Tennessee and across the United States end dearly wanted pregnancies out of fears for their family’s financial security. Capitalism, the ultimate religion of the individual, often forces people into decisions that otherwise go against their most intimate hopes and dreams. That is a sin of social structure and institutional oppression. I said earlier that the most important part of being an abortion doula is being a non-judgmental presence. I work hard to be that
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2,048
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It is a long page. First the color systems, and then the details of RGB below.
There are other color systems, but two of the basic color systems are:
This article is about RGB color, which is universally used in our digital cameras and scanners, almost all photo image files, computers, video monitors, cell phones, television and computer screens, stage lighting, and about anything else working with light (and our human eyes are a RGB system too). We view light transmitted directly from the source. Raw files are not yet exactly RGB yet, but raw files are also not viewable images yet, not until the RGB conversion that we can view. See more RGB specifics below.
Painting (art or painted things, etc.) and printing (commercial prepress, etc.) and pigments and ink and dye and photo prints use the CMYK system that we see as reflected from the colored surface. Our home printers also use CMYK ink, but they are designed to expect to receive and convert RGB images (such as JPG files), since that's what we have to print.
Both RGB and CMYK are “device dependent” color, meaning any final result somewhat depends on how the specific device is able to show it, like depending on just how red can the chosen ink or phosphorus actually make it? Different devices might show it a little different. There is another system called CIELAB or Lab Color (Wikipedia) that tries to define a specific color independent of how various devices might be able to reproduce it.
RGB color: Red, Green, and Blue are the RGB primary colors of light. The light from our monitor screen's RGB elements is seen directly by our eye. We look directly at the transmitted light itself. The RGB primaries mixed together will ADD (gets brighter) to possibly combine into White if bright enough. This is called Additive Color (mixing all RGB colors gets brighter, the sum of more light is brighter). Sunlight is white, a mix of all colors adding to white (around 5500°K) Sunlight mixes to what we call White, basically meaning bright and with no color cast. White does not mean no color, it means equal RGB colors, balanced (all equal), so no color tints appear. Neutral gray and even black is also a balanced color, meaning equal RGB components (no pinkish or bluish tints in the gray). Less intense RGB colors trend darker, toward black (if no light, no color). So White is balanced and bright enough to lighten Gray to White. The format of RGB nomenclature is RGB(255,255,255) is White (255 is the Maximum of 8-bit RGB), and RGB(0,0,0) is Black, which specifies the value of the combined Red, Green, and Blue components of the color.
However, printers print with CMYK ink, because what we see is reflected light that was not absorbed by the printed ink, which becomes a different inverse principle. The difference is that RGB is about a direct beam of light transmitted into our eyes (Additive Color) vs. CMY is about the light reflected from color pigments on physical objects (Subtractive Color).
CMY color: The complements of RGB primaries are Cyan, Magenta, and Yellow, which are the CMY primary colors of pigments, of paint, ink, dye, etc, called the Subtractive system, which are viewed by reflected light (seen reflected from the inks or pigments printed on paper or canvas for example). The CMY inks absorb light, subtracting the complement color of the light, so subtraction of the reflected complement mix gets darker, due to absorption of more colors). Less intense thinner CMY ink trends brighter, toward white, as reflected light when printed. The blank white paper is white when we can see it through sparse ink. For example, the light (for example white sunlight) hits printed Yellow ink, which absorbs the Blue complement, but reflects the other colors of the white light, and those red and green components are seen as Yellow (with little or no Blue present).
RYB color is something else (red, yellow, blue): Past centuries history of artists seeking to make colors by mixing primaries of pigments did assume RYB as primaries. Artists mixing pigments used this centuries older view about primaries, but it was ultimately discovered that RYB is not actually correct. Artists found RYB couldn't make all painted colors without using additional paint colors (like green), but they adapted to deal with it by typically using many paint colors (instead of three primaries). The imperfect pigments caused even more issues for the artists, so the situation was not clear back then. RYB is still taught in elementary school, since students don’t yet know about Cyan and Magenta colors. But paint or ink pigments do not actually use red or blue as primaries, so the correct way to think of primary pigments is CMY (Cyan, Magenta, Yellow). The exact CMY primaries of reflected painting were not known until well into the 20th century. It is said that the Eagle Printing Company, New York (later ultimately becoming part of prior history of Sun Chemical), did the first CMYK printing in 1906, discovering it could create about any color on paper. RYB cannot. (see internet Eagle Printing and also that site's main page). But CMYK printing did not become the standard mainsteam procedure until maybe about 1950.
RYB does have its very long history, and is still widely used in art education, and still has some fans used to it, but which we've finally learned is not the technically correct physics of color. You will still commonly find RYB color wheels to buy (possibly called Traditional), which was the early theory, but is not actual precise reality, so now you should specifically instead look for modern RGB color wheels, which also apply to CMY work, meaning Yellow is between Red and Green either way, but red and green are not Subtractive primaries (reflections from pigments). Tradition may still remember RYB, but modern science uses RGB for video, TV for example, and CMYK for printing (K including black ink). CMY are the fundamental primaries for modern printing and painting and color photo prints.
There are also other printing methods, and simpler graphics work using say only three specific ink colors (called Spot Printing), say maybe black and purple and orange, will use actual black and purple and orange inks, making the three passes over the paper. But work like magazines and books use CMYK ink for photo images. And all of our home color printers use CMYK ink or toner for color work.
FWIW, in CMY, the red-purple Magenta is the same as the color called Fuchsia (both colors are RGB(255, 0, 255)). And the blue-green Cyan is the same as the color often called Aqua (both colors are RGB(0, 255, 255)). Those may approximate red and blue, but Magenta and Cyan are the precise Subtractive primaries.
Added colors move brighter, towards White, and Subtracted colors move darker, towards Black. These Primary colors are the three colors from which all the other colors can be made by mixing proportions of these three. Light is mixed with RGB color, and paint pigments or dyes are mixed with CMY color. RGB and CMY are complements of each other (one inverted is the other, see inversion below), and both RGB and CMYK systems use the same RGB color wheel, next below.
RGB - Today, cameras, scanners, projectors and video monitors (computers and television) show light directly, which is seen as light, and mixing colors of light uses RGB primaries. In RGB, mixing more colors of light gets brighter, the sum is brighter than the brightest. More light becomes white. Sunlight is called white, a mix of all colors adding to white. Or no light at all is black, same as in your closet. So RGB is called Additive Color. In photography, overexposure is simply more light, so darker colors become lighter colors (red to pink, etc), and light colors become white. In extremes, even black can become white.
CMY - In color printing or painting, mixing pigments (paint or ink or dye) is seen as light reflected from the pigments. Specifically, seen as the reflected light that was NOT absorbed by the pigments. Yellow ink looks yellow because its pigment absorbs the compliment blue. In CMY, mixing more colors absorbs more colors of reflected light, so is seen darker, so CMY is called Subtractive Color. In CMY pigments, adding more mixed pigment colors absorbs more colors absorbs more and reflects less, so becoming darker (theoretically towards black, but typically becoming a muddy brown instead of pure black, only because the pigments are not perfect absorbers.) So in water colors, we see that mixing too many colors becomes dark and muddy. Therefore for printed color systems to show dark colors and black better, they also add black pigment, the four inks then called CMYK, K for Key, typically meaning black). No pigment at all is seen as the white paper showing through, so printing on colored paper gets complicated.
CMYK: Printed or painted color technically and ideally would need only the three CMY inks, but which is less precise than RGB because the pigments are not perfect in their light absorption and reflection properties (and we see what is reflected instead of absorbed). Ideally equal mixes of the three CMY primaries would absorb all light, reflecting none, which should be Black, but since the inks don’t absorb perfectly, the mixed result is typically more a more muddy color. So black ink is added as a helper, so the system is CMY, but the four inks are CM
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1789, one of the most pivotal events in history took place in the kingdom of France. The French Revolution affected many aspects of political and social life throughout all of western Europe, and its repercussions would be felt for generations to come. Several British authors in the nineteenth century wrote fictional works with the revolution as a setting. One of the most prolific writers of the period, Baroness Emmuska Orczy, wrote a series of books about the revolution, the most popular of which was The Scarlet Pimpernel. Many authors in the nineteenth century wrote books dealing with this historical event, but Baroness Orczy's novels are the most historically accurate.
All of the Pimpernel novels have a characteristic beginning. Each starts with a summary of the events that have so far taken place in the revolution, and the current events which will have some impact on the plot of the novel. These introductions contain many historical facts. And, appropriately, the main villains in her novels are the main leaders of the Revolution, especially Maximillian Robespierre, Collot d'Herbois, and Chauvelin.
The Scarlet Pimpernel, written in 1905, is the story of a young French actress, Marguerite St. Just, who marries a wealthy English nobleman, Sir Percival Blakeney. She becomes quickly estranged from her husband, as he begins to appear more and more foppish and distant. An agent of the French Revolutionary government, Chauvelin, comes to England to enlist Marguerite's aid in helping him find the Scarlet Pimpernel, an unidentified Englishman who rescues condemned French aristocrats from the guillotine. Unsuspected by Marguerite, the elusive hero turns out to be her husband, Sir Percy. After several adventures in France to rescue Marguerite's brother, Armand St. Just, the Blakeneys return safely to England and are reconciled.
This novel, originally written as a play, was so successful that a series of books based on the adventures of Sir Percy followed. The stories take place between 1792 and 1795, and include many historical events and people. One of the most interesting aspects of all the Pimpernel books is the accuracy of the characters portrayed. Unlike Charles Dicken's Tale of Two Cities which does not use any historical people as main characters, the majority of characters in the Pimpernel books are recorded in history. In particular, the relationship of the main character, Marguerite, to the real revolutionary, Louis-Antoine St. Just is fascinating. Throughout the novels, Baroness Orczy depicts Marguerite as the cousin of Louis-Antoine. In fact, Louis-Antoine St. Just was a young lawyer, only twenty-six, and a close adherent of Maximillian Robespierre (Rudé 97). A fanatical Jacobin, he believed in punishing not only "traitors" but also those who were "indifferent" and not enthusiastic revolutionaries (Hibbert 225). In The Triumph of the Scarlet Pimpernel, Orczy depicts a scene in which St. Just, Robespierre, and other revolutionary leaders meet. St. Just is depicted as young, enthusiastic, and eloquent in speech, all virtues which the real St. Just is recorded to have had. He was considered to be the most effective orator in the revolutionary party (Popkin 67).
Also depicted in this novel was Jean Lambert Tallien, a revolutionary leader who did not support Robespierre. While commissioned in Bordeaux, he fell in love with Theresa Cabbarrus, formerly the Comtesse de Fontenay, who was a prisoner. He was accused of having come under her influences, and losing his zeal for the revolution (Hibbert 260). At this time, Robespierre and St. Just had been writing up a list of other revolutionary leaders who were to be condemned as traitors. In August of 1794, as St. Just was preparing to speak to the Convention about the list of condemned traitors, Tallien interrupted him and placed the blame of all the nation's problems on Robespierre and St. Just (Hibbert 262). Many joined him in this, and Robespierre was outnumbered and forced to surrender his power. He, St. Just, and many other important leaders were sent to a violent death on the guillotine (Hibbert 262).
Baroness Orczy, in The Triumph of the Scarlet Pimpernel, uses these facts about Tallien and the Comtesse de Fontenay in her plot. She introduces the Comtesse de Fontenay as Tallien's fiancee. By having the Comtesse arrested, the Scarlet Pimpernel was able to urge Tallien to rise against Robespierre, whom everyone feared, in order to save her life. This inevitably led to the execution of the main enemies in the story. And history records that the Comtesse de Fontenay, after marrying Tallien, later divorced him and remarried two more times (Hibbert 317).
Eldorado, written in 1906, relates to many historical personages and events. In this novel, the Scarlet Pimpernel attempts a daring rescue of the Dauphin of France. Baroness Orczy describes a gruesome scene in the Temple Prison, in which the young prince is given spirits to drink, is forced to wear the revolutionary cap, sing the revolutionary "Ca Ira!" and trample the royal flag. He was then taught by Simon, the shoemaker who was put in charge of him, to curse his parents and accuse them of many atrocities (Ocrzy, Eldorado 46-47). This scene, however, is very accurate to recorded history. The Dauphin's older sister, who had been incarcerated with him, later wrote:
...and her [Marie Antoinette] misery was increased when she knew that the shoemaker Simon was in charge of him...We often went up into the tower. My brother went by every day and the only pleasure my mother had was to watch him pass by through a little window. Sometimes she waited there for hours to get a glimpse of her beloved child. . . Every day we heard him and Simon singing the Carmagnole, the Marseillaise and many other horrid songs. Simon made him wear a red bonnet and a carmagnole jacket and forced him to sing at the windows so as to be heard by the guard and to blaspheme God and curse his family and the aristocrats (Hibbert 221).
It was also recorded that after the Terror, the "Ca Ira!" was sung by revolutionaries (Hibbert 320). Also in this novel, a main character is the Baron de Batz, who works for the Austrian government, and is involved with many plots to save the royal family and other aristocrats. These schemes have also been recorded as historical fact (Doyle 267). But, as in the novel, most of his plots failed and only helped to irritate the revolutionary leaders and to bring about the arrest of many royalist supporters (Doyle 277). Also, Hébert, a known revolutionary Jacobin, was suspected by Robespierre of supporting de Batz and possibly the Prime Minister of England, Pitt (Doyle 267). Baroness Orczy includes this idea, and depicts a sort of cooperation between de Batz and Hébert.
One of the most memorable events of the Revolution occurred on July 13, 1793 when Charlotte Corday assassinated the infamous Marat (Popkin 71). Jean-Paul Marat was a journalist who founded the paper known as L'Ami du peuple. Often in trouble with the authorities, he hid for some time in the cellars and sewers of Paris, where he contracted prurigo, a painful and gruesome looking skin disease (Hibbert 142). Charlotte Corday, after several attempts to hold audience with Marat, was finally admitted under the pretense that she had a list of traitors who needed to be dealt with. She proceeded to reveal the names of the traitors to him, which he began to take down in order to have them executed. She then pulled a sharpened dinner knife from her bodice and punctured his left lung (Hibbert 213). And this is the setting for the short story "Sir Percy Explains" in The League of the Scarlet Pimpernel.
The Elusive Pimpernel is also an excellent example of Baroness Orczy's accurate depiction of historical events. On June 8, 1794 Robespierre conducted in Boulogne a festival in worship of a Supreme Being. Earlier, the revolutionaries had tried to dechristianize France by forbidding any sort of worship. This failed, and the festival of the Supreme Being was a means of trying to reverse the damage. Robespierre declared their belief in immorality and the existence of some superior being (Doyle 276). In the novel, Désirée Candeille, a young French actress, is commissioned by the revolutionary leaders to help them lure the Scarlet Pimpernel over to France. Later in Boulogne, she is made the "Goddess of Reason" in a festival issued by Robespierre, very like the Supreme Being of history.
Also, besides the French characters which really existed, many of the characters from England are recorded in history. The most relevant of these is George IV, Prince of Wales at this time. He is supposedly a very good friend of Sir Percy's in the novels. Also, many government
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BATTLES OF EMUCKFAU, ENITACHOPCA AND CALBEC
Since the battle of Talladega, Jackson had encountered innumerable difficulties and mortifications, owing to the failure of contractors and the mutiny of his troops, who were finally reduced to one hundred men by the expiration of their time of service. He was now compelled to employ Cherokees to garrison Fort Armstrong, upon the Coosahatchie, and protect the stores at Ross's. Almost alone, in a savage land, he yet constantly rode between Fort Strother and Ditto's Landing to hasten supplies for the new army, which he had employed Governor Blount to raise for him. At last two regiments, one of them commanded by Colonel Perkins and the other by Colonel Higgins, numbering together eight hundred and fifty men, who had only enlisted for sixty days, reached Fort Strother. Jan. 14 1814: Well understanding the character of minute men like these, who must be constantly employed, Jackson immediately marched them across the Coosa to the late battle ground of Talladega, where he was joined by two hundred Cherokees and Creeks, who evinced great alarm at the weakness which the command presented. Jan. 16: Continuing the march towards the Tallapoosa, the army encamped at Enitachopco, a Hillabee village, and the next day fell into many fresh beaten trails, indicating the proximity of a large force. Jan. 21 1814: Here Jackson determined to halt for the purpose of reconnoitre. Before dark his encampment was formed, his army thrown into a hollow square, his pickets and spies sent out, his sentinels doubled, and his fires lighted some distance outside of the lines. About ten o'clock at night one of the pickets firing upon three of the enemy succeeded in killing one, and at the hour of eleven the spies reported a large encampment three miles distant, where the savages were whooping and dancing, and, being apprised of the approach of the Americans, were sending off their women and children.
Jan. 22: About six o?clock in the morning the Indians suddenly fell upon Jackson's flank, and upon the left of his rear, maintaining a vigorous attack for a half hour. General Coffee, AdjutantGeneral Sitler, and Inspector-General Carroll rode rapidly to the scene of action as soon as the firing commenced, animating the men, who firmly kept the assailants at bay. Morning shed its light upon the exciting scene, enabling Captain Terrill's infantry to reinforce the left flank, when the whole line was led to the charge by General Coffee, supported by Colonels Higgins and Carroll and the friendly Indians, which forced the savages to abandon the ground in a rapid manner. They were pursued with slaughter for two miles. Coffee being then ordered, with four hundred men and the friendly Indians, to burn up their encampment, advanced, and, finding it strongly fortified, returned for the artillery. Shortly afterwards, a body of the enemy boldly advanced and attacked the right wing of Jackson's encampment. Coffee again charged, but, through mistake, only forty-five men followed him, composing his own company of volunteer officers; but the friendly Indians were sent by Jackson to his support. Dismounting his men, he now pursued the "Red Sticks" to the swamp of a creek.*
* The Indian war-party were often called the "Red Sticks," because their war-clubs were invariably painted red.
Jackson had ordered his left flank to remain firm, and now the Indians came rushing with yells against it. Repairing to that point, and ordering up Captain Terrill to his support, the whole line received the enemy with intrepidity, and, after a few fires, advanced to the charge under the impetuous Carroll. Again the Red Sticks fled before the bayonet, the Americans pursuing some distance, and marking their trails with blood. In the meantime, Coffee kept the enemy, who had now returned upon him from the swamp, at bay until Jackson strengthened him with a reinforcement of a hundred friendly warriors, at the head of whom was Jim Fife. Coffee again charged, when the Red Sticks once more gave way, and the pursuit was continued for three miles, with the loss of forty-five savages.
The brave Creeks had now been repulsed in every attempt, but they exhibited a ferocity and courage which commanded the serious consideration of Jackson, whose force was weaker than he desired. The horses had been without cane and without corn for two days, and but few rations remained for the men. The wounded were numerous, and the enemy would doubtless soon be reinforced. Jackson determined to return to Fort Strother with all possible despatch. The remainder of the day was employed in collecting and burying the dead, dressing the wounded and fortifying the camp; but the morning dawned without another attack.*
* The battle of Emuckfau was fought near a creek of that name, which runs south into the Tallapoosa river, in Tallapoosa county, Alabama.
The army began the retrograde march about ten o?clock a.m., bearing the wounded, among whom was Coffee, in litters, constructed of the hides of the slain horses. Jan. 23 1814: Jackson reached Enitachopco before night without molestation, and fortified himself at a place a quarter of a mile from the creek, around which the Red Sticks prowled, but refrained from attack. Dreading an onset at the ford of the creek, by which his army had passed a few days before, and which afforded great facilities for Indian ambuscades, the commander despatched spies in search of a less exposed crossing place. Jan 24: Six hundred yards lower down was selected, and thither he advanced his troops in the morning. Carroll commended the rear guard, Colonel Perkins the right column, and Colonel Stump the left. In case of attack, Carroll was to face about, display and maintain his position, while the other two colonels were to face outward, wheel back on their pivots, and attack the Red Sticks on both flanks.
The wounded and the front guard had passed the creek, and as Jackson was upon the eastern bank, superintending the crossing of the army, an alarm gun was heard, which was succeeded by a fierce attack of the savages upon the rearguard of Captain Russell's spies. Colonel Carroll ordered the rear-guard to halt and form, when the right and left columns, seized by a sudden panic, fled without firing a gun, drawing after them most of the centre, with their officers foremost in the flight, at the head of whom was Colonel Stump, who came plunging down the bank, near the exasperated commander-inchief, who made an unsuccessful effort to cut him down with his sword. With only twenty-five men, under Captain Quarles, Carroll gallantly checked the advance of the Red Sticks. The artillery was under the command of Lieutenant Armstrong, in the absence of Captain Deadrick, who now ordered his company, armed with muskets, to advance to the top of the hill, while he, with Constantine Perkins and a few others, dragged up the six-pounder from the middle of the creek. Instantly in their position, they maintained it against ten times their number, until Armstrong reached them with his piece. Jan. 24 1814: Discovering that, in the hurry of separating the gun from the limbers, the rammer and pricker had been left tied to the latter, with wonderful presence of mind, and while Indian bullets rattled like hail around them, Constantine Perkins and Craven Jackson, two of the gunners, supplied the deficiency. Perkins took off his bayonet, and rammed the cartridge home with his musket, and Jackson, drawing his ramrod, employed it as a pricker, priming with a musket cartridge.* The six-pounder was thus twice charged, pouring grape among the savages, then only a few yards distant. Several comrades of these men fell around them, and, after the second fire, the little artillery company furiously charged on the assailants, who became more cautious in their approaches. Captain Gordon's spies, in front of the army when the alarm was given, made a circuit and attacked the left flank of the Indians. At the same time, a number of the rear-guard and flankers, rallied by Jackson, re-crossed the creek and joined in the fight. The savages, finding that the whole army was now brought against them, fled, throwing away their packs and leaving upon the field the bodies of twenty-six warriors.
* Constantine Perkins was born in Knox county, Tennessee the 17th August, 1792 He graduated at Cumberland College in 1813, and was with Jackson at the battle of Talladega in Carroll's Advance guard, where he greatly distinguished himself. Refusing to abandon Jackson in a hostile land, he remained with the small number who adhered to him In the two battles at Emuckfau, he fought side by side with the bravest. When the Creek war was at an end, he studied law at Nashville. He was elected solicitor of one of the Tennessee circuits but, removing to Alabama in 1819, was elected solicitor of the third circuit, which office he held until 1826, when he was elected attorney-general In 1834, the people of Tuscaloosa county placed him in the State Senate of which he was a member until the 17th September, 1836, when he died.
One hundred and eighty-nine bodies of the enemy were counted upon the fields of Emuckfau and Enitachopco. The
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Howard Gardner, professor of education and psychology at Harvard University, is one of the great minds of our time. He is best known for his theory of “multiple intelligences,” the idea that there is not one thing that can be measured and defined as intelligence but many different things – one dimension of the dignity of difference. He has also written many books on leadership and creativity, including one in particular, Leading Minds, that is important in understanding this week’s parsha.
Gardner’s argument is that what makes a leader is the ability to tell a particular kind of story – one that explains ourselves to ourselves and gives power and resonance to a collective vision. So Churchill told the story of Britain’s indomitable courage in the fight for freedom. Gandhi spoke about the dignity of India and non-violent protest. Margaret Thatcher talked about the importance of the individual against an ever-encroaching State. Martin Luther King told of how a great nation is colour-blind. Stories give the group a shared identity and sense of purpose.
Philosopher Alasdair MacIntyre has also emphasised the importance of narrative to the moral life. “Man,” he writes, “is in his actions and practice as well as in his fictions, essentially a story-telling animal.” It is through narratives that we begin to learn who we are and how we are called on to behave. “Deprive children of stories and you leave them unscripted, anxious stutterers in their actions as in their words.” To know who we are is in large part to understand of which story or stories we are a part.
The great questions – “Who are we?” “Why are we here?” “What is our task?” – are best answered by telling a story. As Barbara Hardy put it: “We dream in narrative, daydream in narrative, remember, anticipate, hope, despair, believe, doubt, plan, revise, criticise, construct, gossip, learn, hate and love by narrative.” This is fundamental to understanding why Torah is the kind of book it is: not a theological treatise or a metaphysical system but a series of interlinked stories extended over time, from Abraham and Sarah’s journey from Mesopotamia to Moses’ and the Israelites’ wanderings in the desert. Judaism is less about truth as system than about truth as story. And we are part of that story. That is what it is to be a Jew.
A large part of what Moses is doing in the book of Devarim is retelling that story to the next generation, reminding them of what God had done for their parents and of some of the mistakes their parents had made. Moses, as well as being the great liberator, is the supreme storyteller. Yet what he does in parshat Ki Tavo extends way beyond this.
He tells the people that when they enter, conquer and settle the land, they must bring the first ripened fruits to the central sanctuary, the Temple, as a way of giving thanks to God. A Mishnah in Bikkurim describes the joyous scene as people converged on Jerusalem from across the country, bringing their first-fruits to the accompaniment of music and celebration. Merely bringing the fruits, though, was not enough. Each person had to make a declaration. That declaration become one of the best known passages in the Torah because, though it was originally said on Shavuot, the festival of first-fruits, in post-biblical times it became a central element of the Haggadah on seder night:
My father was a wandering Aramean, and he went down into Egypt and lived there, few in number, there becoming a great nation, powerful and numerous. But the Egyptians ill-treated us and made us suffer, subjecting us to harsh labour. Then we cried out to the Lord, the God of our ancestors, and the Lord heard our voice and saw our misery, toil and oppression. So the Lord brought us out of Egypt with a mighty hand and an outstretched arm, with great terror and with signs and wonders. (Deut. 26:5-8)
Here for the first time the retelling of the nation’s history becomes an obligation for every citizen of the nation. In this act, known as vidui bikkurim, “the confession made over first-fruits,” Jews were commanded, as it were, to become a nation of storytellers.
This is a remarkable development. Yosef Hayim Yerushalmi tells us that, “Only in Israel and nowhere else is the injunction to remember felt as a religious imperative to an entire people.” Time and again throughout Devarim comes the command to remember: “Remember that you were a slave in Egypt.” “Remember what Amalek did to you.” “Remember what God did to Miriam.” “Remember the days of old; consider the generations long past. Ask your father and he will tell you, your elders, and they will explain to you.”
The vidui bikkurim is more than this. It is, compressed into the shortest possible space, the entire history of the nation in summary form. In a few short sentences we have here “the patriarchal origins in Mesopotamia, the emergence of the Hebrew nation in the midst of history rather than in mythic prehistory, slavery in Egypt and liberation therefrom, the climactic acquisition of the land of Israel, and throughout – the acknowledgement of God as lord of history.”
We should note here an important nuance. Jews were the first people to find God in history. They were the first to think in historical terms – of time as an arena of change as opposed to cyclical time in which the seasons rotate, people are born and die, but nothing really changes. Jews were the first people to write history – many centuries before Herodotus and Thucydides, often wrongly described as the first historians. Yet biblical Hebrew has no word that means “history” (the closest equivalent is divrei hayamim, “chronicles”). Instead it uses the root zachor, meaning “memory.”
There is a fundamental difference between history and memory. History is “his story,” an account of events that happened sometime else to someone else. Memory is “my story.” It is the past internalised and made part of my identity. That is what the Mishnah in Pesachim means when it says, “Each person must see themselves as if he (or she) personally went out of Egypt.”
Throughout Devarim Moses warns the people – no less than fourteen times – not to forget. If they forget the past they will lose their identity and sense of direction and disaster will follow. Moreover, not only are the people commanded to remember, they are also commanded to hand that memory on to their children.
This entire phenomenon represents a remarkable cluster of ideas: about identity as a matter of collective memory; about the ritual retelling of the nation’s story; above all about the fact that every one of us is a guardian of that story and memory. It is not the leader alone, or some elite, who are trained to recall the past, but every one of us. This too is an aspect of the devolution and democratisation of leadership that we find throughout Judaism as a way of life. The great leaders tell the story of the group, but the greatest of leaders, Moses, taught the group to become a nation of storytellers.
You can still see the power of this idea today. As I point out in my book The Home We Build Together, if you visit the Presidential memorials in Washington you will see that each one carries an inscription taken from their words: Jefferson’s ‘We hold these truths to be self-evident . . .’, Roosevelt’s ‘The only thing we have to fear, is fear itself’, Lincoln’s Gettysburg Address and his second Inaugural, ‘With malice toward none; with charity for all . . .’ Each memorial tells a story.
London has no equivalent. It contains many memorials and statues, each with a brief inscription stating who it represents, but there are no speeches or quotations. There is no story. Even the memorial to Churchill, whose speeches rivalled Lincoln’s in power, carries only one word: Churchill.
America has a national story because it is a society based on the idea of covenant. Narrative is at the heart of covenantal politics because it locates national identity in a set of historic events. The memory of those events evokes the values for which those who came before us fought and of which we are the guardians.
A covenantal narrative is always inclusive, the property of all its citizens, newcomers as well as the home-born. It says to everyone, regardless of class or creed: this is who we are. It creates a sense of common identity that transcends other identities. That is why, for example, Martin Luther King was able to use it to such effect in some of his greatest speeches. He was telling his fellow African Americans to see themselves as an equal part of the nation. At the same time, he was telling white Americans to honour their commitment to the Declaration of Independence and its statement that ‘all men are created equal’.
England does not have the same kind of national narrative because it is based not on covenant but on hierarchy and tradition. England, writes Roger Scruton, “was not a nation or a creed or a language or a state but a home. Things at home don’t need an explanation. They are there because they are there.” England, historically, was a class-based society in which there were ruling elites who governed on behalf of the nation as a whole. America, founded by Puritans who saw themselves as a new Israel bound by covenant, was not a society of rulers and ruled, but rather one of collective responsibility. Hence the phrase, central to American politics but never used in English politics: “We, the people.”
By making the Israelites a nation of storytellers, Moses helped turn them into a
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Relief with Enthroned Ruler
- Chakalte' (Guatemalan or Mexican, active ca. A.D. 750–800)
- late 8th century
- Guatemala or Mexico, La Pasadita
- Limestone, paint
- H. 35 x W. 34 1/2 x D. 2 3/4 in. (88.9 x 87.6 x 7 cm)
- Credit Line:
- The Michael C. Rockefeller Memorial Collection, Bequest of Nelson A. Rockefeller, 1979
- Accession Number:
This Maya landmark was likely the carved lintel of a doorway from the site of La Pasadita in northwestern Guatemala carved in the early A.D. 770s. The relief panel would have been installed parallel to the floor of the entrance of a temple at La Pasadita. Visitors to the building were thus forced to look upward to view the monument, and perhaps even had to light the surface with raking torchlight in order to read the image and the text. The Metropolitan lintel is striking for the amount of pigment preserved on the surface. A variety of red, yellow-orange, and blue-green pigment remains to give clues about the original brightly colored appearance of the lintels. The jade jewels of the main characters and the details on the ruler’s throne glisten in blue-green, a color that symbolized the ‘first/newest’ and most precious materials.
In the 8th century, the small hilltop site La Pasadita was caught between the power struggles of the self-proclaimed divine kings of the river kingdoms of Yaxchilan (modern-day Chiapas, Mexico), and Piedras Negras (Guatemala). During the Classic Maya period (ca. A.D. 250-900), the two major royal courts vied for power, paid tribute to one another, intermarried, and engaged in conflict with subsidiary local lords. Loyalties sometimes shifted, boundaries between the two city-states were often fortified, and artistic programs sponsored by the lords and ladies served as propaganda to stake claims on the contested landscape.
The Yaxchilan kings and queens favored elaborate sculpted doorway lintels at the royal capital, and they made sure their local allies marked their palaces in the same way. At least a dozen related lintel reliefs are known from subsidiary sites around Yaxchilan. Likely commissioned by the Yaxchilan rulers themselves, most show the ruler from Yaxchilan in the company of the local lord in a supporting role in some ritual, making an overt statement of political sovereignty.
The Met’s lintel depicts three protagonists: the figure seated on the right is faced by two standing ones to the left. The main figure offering an elaborate headdress to the seated leader is the La Pasadita ruler named Tiloom (ti-lo-ma), who ruled from approximately A.D. 750s-770s, using the title of sajal, a title for subsidiary regional governors. Tiloom is represented on at least three other known doorway sculptures: one in the Ethnologisches Museum in Berlin (IV Ca 45530), one in the collection of the Museum of Ethnology in Leiden (3939-1), and one in an unknown private collection. The Berlin lintel dates to A.D. 759, and the Leiden monument dates to A.D. 766; the private collection lintel dates to A.D. 771. Based on the known sculptures of Tiloom, the Metropolitan lintel is contemporaneous with the private collection lintel, probably carved between 769 and the early 780s.
Tiloom was a loyal provincial ruler to the final two major kings of Yaxchilan, the father and son rulers of Bird Jaguar IV and Shield Jaguar IV. Bird Jaguar IV ruled from A.D. 752-768, and Shield Jaguar IV from 769 to around the turn of the 9th century. Bird Jaguar IV dominates the Berlin and Leiden lintels, in which Tiloom assists in a captive presentation and a scattering of incense, respectively. The ‘Sun Lord’ captive depicted in the Berlin Lintel is likely from Piedras Negras, and is the final portrayal of the many war victories of Bird Jaguar IV, who referred to himself as ‘he of 20 captives.’ In the Leiden panel, commemorating an event that occurred seven years after the Berlin captive presentation scene, Tiloom assists Bird Jaguar IV with a ‘scattering’ ritual in which the king drops blood or incense into a basket. The lintel from 771 in which Tiloom dances in a bird costume alone perhaps signals a shift in authority from one overlord to the other; Tiloom celebrated his own right to rule rather than his supporting role to the Yaxchilan king.
The Metropolitan Lintel also dates from the early 770s; in fact, the same sculptor carved the two lintels, an individual by the name of Chakalte’. Sculptors’ signatures are relatively rare in Maya art, though many are known from the area around Yaxchilan and Piedras Negras. Chakalte’ was probably a sculptor who worked under the patronage of Shield Jaguar IV. That leader was known to send out sculptors to the other provincial lords, such as the rulers of the well-known site of Bonampak. Sculptors were sometimes important members of the royal courts; at Piedras Negras it seems that a master sculptor oversaw an atelier of apprentices who all signed the same works. Many hands thus crafted these royal portraits.
Chakalte’ composed the Met’s lintel scene so that the visitor would be first greeted by the enthroned ruler, Shield Jaguar IV, facing the interior of the structure. The king leans forward towards his visitors, wearing an elaborate feathered hair ornament, a feathered nose plug, and a beaded jade necklace with bar pendant. Tiloom then stands proudly presenting the Yaxchilan holy lord with a headdress and what could be packets of incense or a plate of tamales. Tiloom wears a jaded headband and human head pectoral, with an elaborate woven skirt with a geometric pattern. A third personage stands behind Tiloom in a similar outfit but with a type of sombrero associated in other scenes with travelers or merchants. The text names the Yaxchilan "divine" lord with his pre-accession name of Chel Te’ Chan K’inich, which he changed to Shield Jaguar early in his reign because it was a namesake of ancestral rulers of the kingdom. The text naming Tiloom as the sajal, provincial lord, is squeezed in next to the ruler’s arm and the offertory headdress, almost as if Chakalte’ had not originally planned to include it. A bowl of sliced fruit with seeds visible sits under the throne, presumably part of the offering brought to the seated ruler.
La Pasadita was visited in the 1970s by renowned explorer and monument recorder Ian Graham, but subsequently became dangerous for scholarly visits because of border conflicts during the decades-long civil conflict in Guatemala. Land mines and security problems prevented archaeological work until 1998, when Charles Golden and colleagues performed reconnaissance in the area. Even today the site lies within a troubled zone suffering the effects of narcotrafficking and illegal settlements within the national parks in the Usumacinta River drainage.
The Metropolitan lintel provides key information for the understanding of Classic Maya politics on the eve of institutional collapse at the end of the 8th century. It shows the final major Yaxchilan lord receiving tribute in the form of food and regalia from a lord loyal to his warlord father, known as "he of 20 captives." But by the beginning of the 9th century, the dynasty at Yaxchilan ceased to build temples or commission monuments, silencing the voices of La Pasadita lord Tiloom and his sculptor of choice, Chakalte’.
James Doyle, 2015
Resources and Additional Reading
Bussel, G. W., and T. J. J. Leyenaar. 1991. Maya of Mexico. Leiden, The National Museum of Ethnology.
Freidel, David, and Linda Schele 1990. Forest of Kings: The Untold Story of the Ancient Maya. New York, William Morrow.
Golden, Charles, Andrew K. Scherer, A. René Muñoz, and Rosaura Vásquez. 2008. Piedras Negras and Yaxchilan: Divergent Political Trajectories in Adjacent Maya Polities. Latin American Antiquity 19(3): 249-274.
Golden, Charles, and Andrew K. Scherer. 2013. Territory, Trust, Growth, and Collapse in Classic Period Maya Kingdoms. Current Anthropology 54(4): 397-435.
"Border problems: recent archaeological research along the Usumacinta River." PARI Journal 7(2):1–16.
Golden, Charles W. 2010. Frayed at the edges: the re-creation of histories and memories on the frontiers of Classic period Maya polities. Ancient Mesoamerica 21(2): 373–384.
"The politics of warfare in the Usumacinta Basin: La Pasadita and the realm of Bird Jaguar." In Ancient Mesoamerican Warfare. M. Kathryn Brown and Travis W. Stanton, eds. pp. 31–48. Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira.
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This article is based on a talk given by Vardi at the Ada Lovelace Symposium, which took place at the University of Oxford in December 2015. You can watch the full talk here!
In March this year the Go champion Lee Sedol lost to the computer AlphaGo. Sedol is the highest-ranking Go player so far to be defeated by artificial intelligence, and the win counts as a significant advance in AI.
But will the rise of intelligent machines benefit humankind in the long run, or is it more likely to do harm? In this article we'll explore this question — not by focussing on deep philosophical questions, but by looking at the world of work and hard economic data.
The great decoupling
The world is just coming out of the deepest recession since the great depression in the 1930s. Out of all the recessions after WWII, the current one saw the most dramatic job losses.
Chart from calculatedrisk.com.
To understand the long-term future of jobs, let's look at what economists call the great coupling. What drives economic growth overall is economic productivity. Since 1953 labour productivity in the US has consistently increased (see the chart below), producing benefits for everyone: GDP grew and with that growth jobs were created and incomes increased. These four indicators — GDP, labour productivity, income and employment — increased in harmony for such a long period of time that people have come to believe their coupling to be an economic law.
US productivity (blue), GDP (grey), employment (red) and income (green) from 1953 to 1983. Figure reproduced from a chart on Andrew Mc Afee's blog.
But it turns out this isn't the case. Since the 1980s we have seen a great decoupling. As the chart below shows, it's possible for productivity and GDP to grow without the benefits spreading uniformly. Private employment and median household income have flattened. Economists used to believe that the rising tides lifts all boats, but now it seems that the tides and the boats have parted company (to quote the US journalist Harold Meyerson).
US productivity (blue), GDP (grey), employment (red) and income (green) from 1953 to 2011. Figure reproduced from a chart on Andrew Mc Afee's blog.
What is causing this?
A group of people who call themselves the neo-Luddites blame technology. Machines have become so smart, they argue, they no longer need unskilled labour to operate. Machines are taking away our jobs.
On the other side there are neoclassical economists, who disagree. "Since the dawn of the industrial age, a recurrent fear has been that technological change will spawn mass unemployment," writes economist (and chess Grandmaster) Kenneth Rogoff. "Neoclassical economists predicted that this would not happen, because people would find other jobs, albeit possibly after a long period of adjustment. By and large, that prediction has proven to be true."
Who is right? To find out, let's go back to basics.
The robots are coming
In 1950 the famous computing pioneer Alan Turing gave a compelling philosophical analysis for the feasibility of intelligence machines. "I believe that at the end of the century the use of words and general educated opinion will have altered so much that one will be able to speak of machines thinking without expecting to be contradicted," he wrote.
The military robot BigDog.
Over 65 years later we still haven't fully cracked the problem of artificial intelligence. But from the 1990s onwards there have been a number of breakthroughs. In 1997 IBM's computer Deep Blue beat the reigning chess world champion Garry Kasparov, regarded by many as the best chess player of all time. In 2005 and 2007, as part of the DARPA Grand Challenge, autonomous vehicles successfully negotiated unrehearsed desert trails and urban environments, respectively, avoiding hazards and obeying rules, just as humans would. In 2011 IBM's computer Watson defeated the two greatest Jeopardy! Champions. The video on the right shows the military robot BigDog mastering tricky territory, even righting itself when kicked. And of course there is the recent development in Go. In both brainpower and physical dexterity, robots are on the rise.
More generally, it's hard to argue that intelligent machines are impossible — after all, we ourselves are intelligent biological machines. The universities of Oxford and Cambridge seem to be worried about this: both study the potential danger of AI (at the Future of Humanity Institute and the Centre for the Study of Existential Risk, respectively). And people including Stephen Hawking and Bill Gates have recently deemed artificial intelligence an existential risk for humanity. But our focus here is on jobs.
Are they taking our jobs?
Robots are indeed taking over human jobs, from deboning chicken to performing pharmacy duties, and from tending bars to guarding prisons. A quick internet search will reveal hundreds of recent news stories covering robots performing routine tasks hitherto done by humans.
So let's look at some hard economic data. The chart below shows US manufacturing output (in blue) from 1950 to 2010, compared to manufacturing employment (in red). The general trend for output has been going up, but employment has gone down since around 1980.
Chart by Mark Perry, Carpe Diem blog.
This isn't because all the jobs have gone to countries like China: Chinese data shows a similar decline in manufacturing jobs, albeit a more recent one.
Manufacturing employment and output in China, 1990 - 2008. Figure reproduced from chart shown on Digital Community.
Another hot political topic is inequality. The charts below show that only the top 10% have made gains over recent decades, be it in average income or in share of income.
Charts originally printed in Mother Jones, September/October 2011.
Something similar holds when you zoom in on the top 10% earners. The bottom 90% of those top 10% just flatline, and it's only really the top 0.01% that have profited. Even in this exclusive income bracket, the bottom 90% can complain about the top 1% of the top 1% doing better than them!
The next chart shows who has benefited from periods of economic expansion: in earlier years most benefits went to the bottom 90%, but now they go to the top 10%.
Tcherneva, Pavlina R. Reorienting Fiscal Policy: A Bottom-up Approach, Journal of Post Keynesian Economics, Fall 2014, 37 (1): 43-66. See here for a brief note on inequality by Tcherneva and here for a longer one.
You might say, well this is class war. Why should you care about the rich getting richer? But it turns out that inequality is tied to all sorts of problems in society. It goes hand in hand with a lack of social mobility and also leads to a slow in economic growth, as shown by the following two charts:
This graph is named after the famous novel by Scott Fitzgerald. The horizontal axis measures income inequality and the vertical axis measures social immobility (the likelihood that someone will inherit their parents' income level). You can see that higher inequality correlates to higher immobility. You can find out more about the Gatsby curve here. Image: BoogaLouie, CC BY-SA 3.0.
The chart shows that higher inequality correlates to shorter growth spells. Figure reproduced from a chart in the IMF Discussion Note by Andrew G. Berg and Jonathan D. Ostry.
There are also other economic indicators that tell us that something went wrong in the economy in the last thirty years.
Will it be different this time?
It's been suggested that these phenomena are due to technology. But since the beginning of the industrial revolution technological change has not only destroyed jobs — it's also created them. Why should it be any different this time around?
The job market for horses has collapsed drastically in the last 100 years due to technological advances. At least there's niche employment for some of them.
What is different is that we are now working to build machines that will be able to outcompete us in almost everything! Right now artificial intelligence is still a challenge: we cannot yet emulate the physical dexterity or situational awareness of people or even animals. Neither can machines achieve the high-level cognition that is required in many jobs. But there are many jobs that don't require such high-level physical dexterity or cognition. That's why more and more jobs are being automated.
There is some evidence suggesting that things will indeed be different this time. A recent study has found that in 2010 only 0.5% of the US labour force was employed in industries that did not exist in 2000. Compared to major corporations of the early computer revolution, the companies leading the digital revolution have created few employment opportunities. Facebook, for example, has under 13,000 employees. New technologies are not creating the jobs we need them to create to keep the economy humming.
As an analogy, imagine a conversation between two horses somewhere around the beginning of the 20th century. One horse, having seen driverless carriages and early cars, is worried about the future of horse jobs. The other believes the new advances will create new jobs. As it turns out, 1915 was the year of peak employment for horses. Today most horses in the Western world exist as pets. Horses have found a niche employment, but their numbers have decreased drastically.
What does all of this mean for our future?
The most common answer is that a future with intelligent machines is a wonderful thing: we won't have
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View Full Version : Latter Day Saints in the Civil War?
03-13-2004, 04:52 PM
My research thus far has produced few results as I attempt to find whether or not there any Latter Day Saints that fought for the North during the war. Specifically, I am wondeirng if any reformed Mormons (RLDS) from Wisconsin and Iowa served. Has anybody come across anything applicable to this during their studies? The Utah Mormons effectively stayed out of the war, but what of the Saints that did not follow B. Young's Mormons westward?
03-13-2004, 05:04 PM
Tad - that's an interesting question. It's true that there were some Mormons in various isolated communities throughout the Midwest that did not make the trek West. Whether they served (1861-`865) or not is a question I've never seen posed. I suspect they didn't due to their particular beliefs... and certainly on the heels of the Utah War, one would think Mormons wouldn't be too friendly with the U.S. Army. Pologamy was a pretty hot issue at the time... so they may have sought to have kept their religious identities "close to the vest."
I wonder if there are some Mormon genealogical boards where this question might be posted. Obviously Mormons are big into genealogy. Perhaps there are some references out there to Mormons who may have served.
I think it would have been pretty isolated - certainly no "Mormon regiments", etc.
03-13-2004, 05:12 PM
Tad - Was thinking on this further ... we do know that the US Army raised a battalion of Mormons 1846-1847 to fight in the war against Mexico. So I guess it wasn't unheard of for the Mormons to bear arms on behalf of the Federal Government.
Although, one might be led to believe this would only have made the Mormons increasingly anti-war because they were strong-armed into forming the battalion.
03-13-2004, 05:13 PM
Many of the reformed were anti-polygamist...hence the bad blood between the Utah Mormons and themselves. Your suggestion to post on some Mormon geneology sites is a good one, but I've been down the path to no avail. I will keep trying, however :)
Will keep you all posted as I learn more.
03-13-2004, 06:18 PM
Although I know you asked specifically about Latter Day Saints in the Union Army, a reference you might wish to check into is The Civil War Reminiscenses and Diary of Pvt. Levi Lamoni Wight. He was the son of Lyman Wight, an early Church leader who led a small colony of Saints to Texas after the death of Joseph Smith in 1844. The elder Wight died in 1858, but his son Levi enlisted in the 1st Texas Cavalry and saw extensive service in the Trans-Mississippi Theater, fighting at Mansfield and Pleasant Hill, among other places. Wight survived the War and lived until 1918 as a member of the Reorganized LDS Church, today called the Community of Christ.
A while back I did some digging to attempt to locate any Mormons who served in the Federal Army during the War, and came up with zilch. A couple of years ago I read in a book about the history of the Church that there may have been as many as 50 Saints to serve in the Union Army, but unfortunately don't remember the title of the work, or where the author may have obtained that figure.
Given the hostility between the Federal government and LDS leaders in Utah Territory (then known as "Deseret" to the Saints), there was not much inclination among LDS men to fight for the Union. The so-called "Mormon War" of 1857-1858 has rightly received a good deal of recognition as having served as a training ground for a number of men who later obtained prominence in both the Confederate and Federal Armies (A.S. Johnston, Fitz-John Porter, E.P. Alexander, among others...), but feuding between Brigham Young and other Church leaders on one side and the Federal authorities on the other continued throughout much of the Civil War itself. Fortunately, the hostilities never descended into actual warfare. (Of course, there was little if any real belligerence during the "Mormon War", either.) The attitude of many of the local Federal authorities in the West was exemplified by Colonel Patrick Connor, who wrote to General George Wright in San Francisco that "it will be impossible for me to describe what I saw and heard in Salt Lake, so as to make you realize the enormity of Mormonism; suffice it, that I found them a community of traitors, murderers, fanatics, and whores." (Alvin Josephy, The Civil War in the American West, pg. 253). Apparently attempting to pick a fight, in late October, 1862, Connor took 750 volunteers, primarily from the 3rd California Infantry, crossed the Jordan River, and marched into Salt Lake City. He established a permanent camp on a bluff three miles east of the city, which he named Camp Douglas after the late Senator Steven A. Douglas, who had once referred to the Mormons as a "pestiferous, disgusting cancer." Connor then launched an expedition to wipe out a band of Shoshone Indians under the leadership of a Chief named Bear Hunter. On Jan. 29, 1863, his forces caught up with the Shoshones at the Bear River, and wiped out Bear Hunter and his band. Bear Hunter himself was captured after being wounded, and then brutally dispatched by having a red-hot bayonet driven through into his ear and through his head.
Open conflict between Connor and Mormon leaders was avoided when Lincoln appointed James Doty, a former Indian superintendent, as Governor of Utah Territory in mid-1863. Doty was an able diplomat, and maintained friendly relations with Brigham Young and other LDS leaders. However, Connor continued to attempt to create trouble with the Saints. He financed a weekly newspaper at Camp Douglas, called the Union Vedette, in which he wrote inflammatory anti-Mormon editorials which served to keep his Californian soldiers stirred up against the locals. He also encouraged his troops to prospect for gold and silver in the surrounding Utah mountains. In a letter to Gen. Wright in San Francisco in September, 1863, he declared that the solution to "the Mormon question" was to flood Utah with non-Mormon settlers, and he hoped that a large-scale discovery of precious metals would bring this about.
Finally, in summer, 1864, General Irvin McDowell, who had relieved Gen. Wright as departmental commander in San Francisco, ordered Connor to cease and desist from attempting to provoke the Mormons into a fight. McDowell stated that war with the Mormons would "...prove fatal to the Uinon cause in this department" and that "it is the course of true patriotism for you not to embark on any hostilities" against them. (Josephy, page 263) So the Mormons and the Federal government continued to maintain an uneasy peace throughout the Civil War, and for decades afterwards, until Church Pres. Wilford Woodruff formally abolished the practice of polygamy in 1890.
Anyway, I know your original inquiry was related to Saints residing in the mid-West during the War, not Utah, but hopefully this might be of some benefit to you.
Please keep us informed of the results of your research. I would be fascinated to know of any Mormons that served in the Federal Army.
03-14-2004, 12:35 PM
Thanks for the excellent information, Chad.
I will keep you posted with more information as it comes. As a direct decendant of Joseph Smith Jr., and dedicated Civil War enthusiast, such stories hit close to home. I was raised in the RLDS in Wisconsin as a child.
03-14-2004, 11:35 PM
There is a couple of books that you might look into. One probably more specific than the other.
"A Concise History of the Mormon Battalion inf the Mexican War: 1846-1848"
By: Sgt. Daniel Tyler
I picked this book up on Alibris under the "hard to find"
The second book:
"The Saints and the Union - Utah Territory during the Civil War"
By: E.B. Long
I believe that I got this on Amazon or some other internet site, not as difficult to find as the Mormon Battalion book.
Also, I had read in James McPherson's "Battle Cry of Freedom" that the Utah Territory had "recognized" themselves as a slave state. While there were not many slaves in the State, in the area of 20-30, the Utah Territory was "in line" to be a slave holding State.
While it is my complete speculation, but there may be more recognition with what Chad posted regarding more sympathy to the South.
As I grew up in the Beehive State, I would be interested to know what you are able to find out.
03-15-2004, 12:25 AM
Some years ago I was told by a fellow who was fairly well-versed in LDS history that the Confederate government sent emissaries to Brigham Young in an attempt to encourage the Saints to secede from the Union and declare Deseret to be an independent nation. The story goes that President Young became furious at their suggestion and threw them out.
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What is Chitas
/khi-tas (Ashkenazic)/ khitat (Sefardic)/
(pronounced chee-tass; the “ch” sound is guttural, as in the Yiddish chutzpah)
1. a Hebrew acronym formed by the three letters ches (ח), tav (ת), tav (ת), the initials of Chumash (the Five Books of Moses), Tehillim (book of Psalms), and Tanya (the “bible” of Chabad Chassidic thought authored by the first Rebbe of the Chabad movement, Rabbi Shneur Zalman of Liadi.)
To understand the Ashkenazic pronunciation of Chitas, despite the “T” of Tanya, see scriptural reference quoted below, entry 4.
2. the daily study cycles of the three books.
3. a single volume entitled Sefer Chitas but commonly called “a Chitas,” which contains the Five Books of Moses, Psalms, and Tanya in that precise order. A Chitas often includes a supplemental Siddur Tehillas/t Hashem prayer book and HaYom Yom, a calendar with daily insights and Chabad customs.
4. fear (Heb., literal translation), as in the verse, va-yehi chitas Elokim al he-arim, “And the fear of Hashem was upon the cities that were around them, so that they did not pursue Yaakov’s sons” (Bereishis 32:5).
For more on Chumash Study Click Here
For more on the reciting of Tehillim Click Here
For more on Tanya Study Click Here
A story about the about the power of Chitas: Click Here
The Chitas Initiative
3 Books in 3 Stages
It can be said that the development of Chitas is as long as the history of Chabad itself, stretching from its first Rebbe, the Ba’al HaTanya (1745-1812), all the way to its seventh leader – our Rebbe.
Not long after Rabbi Shneur Zalman of Liadi published his book of Tanya, did his followers adopt the practice of studying one of its illuminative chapters each week, and many Chassidim studied a chapter a day, as a means of readying themselves for sincere service of the heart – the legendary contemplative morning prayers for which Chassidim are famed.
In his wonderfully descriptive style, the sixth Chabad Rebbe, Rabbi Yosef Yitzchak Schneersohn (1880-1950), portrays the centuries-old commitment to studying a daily portion of Tanya and the spiritual rewards it conveys:
The book of Tanya is the Written Torah of Chassidic thought … The early Chassidim would read from it every week, every day of the week, one chapter, as if they were reading a portion of the Torah … The book of Tanya removes all spiritual calamities, removes all challenges and concealments; it transforms a curse into a blessing. With it the Jews will greet Moshiach. A chapter of Tanya brings an abundance of blessings and success.
Igros Kodesh Rayatz, vol. 4, p. 269
Nevertheless, this practice did not involve a specific division or study cycle of Tanya for the purpose of daily study. Most critically, this was an informal custom of Chassidim, not the formal enactment of a Rebbe.
Stage One: Chumash
By contrast, the concept of studying the daily portion of Chumash – in tandem with the Torah reading of each Shabbos – along with its corresponding commentary of Rashi, was indeed introduced to Chabad Chasidim by the Ba’al HaTanya (the “Alter Rebbe”) himself:
Chabad Chassidim have a tradition that was passed down the generations and was originally instituted by the Alter Rebbe, to study a daily portion of the weekly sedra (Torah portion) of Chumash with Rashi. This was also done by the [Chabad] Rebbes.
HaYom Yom, entry for Teves 19
In 1890, the fifth Chabad Rebbe, Rabbi Shalom DovBer Schneersohn, explained that the intention of the Ba’al HaTanya in introducing a daily Chumash-and-Rashi study was far more than a dry intellectual exercise:
In the early years of his leadership, the Alter Rebbe declared publicly, “One must live with the times.” From his brother, Rabbi Yehudah Leib, the elder Chassidim learned that the Rebbe meant that one must live with the sedra (Torah portion) of the week and the particular portion of the day. One should not merely study the weekly portion each day, but live with it.
HaYom Yom, entry for Cheshvan
Thus the daily Chumash study – the first of the three study cycles contained in Chitas – was established by the founder of Chabad Chassidism soon after the birth of the movement.
Stage Two: Tehillim
It was not until approximately a century and a half later that the second stage of Chitas was born. That occurred in the midst of a perilous period for Chabad and indeed, for much of Jewry. The Soviet establishment launched an oppressive campaign in all the territories under its vast dominion with the design of suffocating every last vestige of the Jewish soul – Torah education, belief in G-d, and the practical observance of the mitzvos. Despite the far reach of their secret police and the sheer terror of their ruthless methods, the Communists discovered that a lone citizen was successful in consistently and methodically unwinding their evil designs on a massive scale.
That man was Rabbi Yosef Yitzchok Schneersohn, who formed and personally directed a breathtaking labyrinth of underground Torah schools, synagogues, mikvehs, and the like. He sent overt and covert emissaries, teachers and instructors who were willing to risk their lives to keep the flame of Torah and mitzvos alight in every region of the USSR. He also founded branches of his Torah schools outside the USSR, in Poland, Uzbekistan and in America.
Rabbi Yosef Yitzchok was hounded mercilessly by the Soviets, but he ignored their intimidation. In 5687 (1926), however, he sensed that the enemy was poised to strike a deadly blow. In response, he requested that the book of Tehillim as it is divided into daily portions to be completed in the course of a month, be recited in all synagogues.
Listen, Chassidim, and all Jews who await the coming of Moshiach! Repeat in my name to all Chassidim in the world that I have instructed them to recite a portion of Tehillim as divided by the days of the month in all Chassidic synagogues after morning prayers each day, including Shabbos.
Excerpt of 1927 handwritten directive discovered on his desk on the day of his arrest.
Rabbi Yosef Yitzchok was arrested and suffered a brutal incarceration. The Soviets swiftly sentenced the Rebbe to death – a decree that was miraculously reversed, with the help of enormous international outcry. So complete was the reversal that the Soviets were subsequently compelled to escort Rabbi Yosef Yitzchok with his family and his possessions out of the USSR’s iron borders to freedom.
An account by the Rebbe’s close confidant and devoted follower, Rabbi Eliyahu Chaim Althaus, immortalizes Rabbi Yosef Yitzchok’s reflection on the effectiveness of reciting the daily Tehillim:
These were his exact words: “Before 5687 (1927) I was greatly afraid. I did not speculate what my own fate would be, for I never imagined what I would have to endure. Rather, my fear was for the Chassidim. Before I instructed them to begin saying Tehillim, it was really difficult for me.”
Excerpt of a letter from Rabbi Althaus to his fellow Chassidim
After the Rebbe’s release from prison, this instruction to recite Tehillim was not reversed. In fact, the Rebbe directed that it be spread to all Jewry to their lasting benefit and protection.
Stage Three: Tanya
Sixteen years and another continent later, Rabbi Yosef Yitzchok – then living in New York – completed the arduous task of apportioning the Tanya so that it could be studied in an annual cycle. This occurred in 1943, just seven years prior to his passing and the transfer of leadership to his son-in-law, Rabbi Menachem Mendel Schneerson – the seventh Chabad Rebbe.
This division of Tanya was undertaken in concert with a unique project with which Rabbi Yosef Yitzchok charged his son-in-law: the creation of a booklet entitled HaYom Yom – a spiritual calendar for Chabad Chassidim that would record various Chabad customs, teachings, and anecdotes – one per day.
Most critically, the calendar created by the seventh Chabad Rebbe would introduce the Chassidim to a newly-minted enactment – the institution of the daily Chitas:
You should specifically include a set schedule of daily study that is appropriate for every person – in addition to the Torah study that each person pursues according to their individual ability – that includes: 1. Chumash with Rashi’s explanation. 2. Tehillim, after morning prayers, as it is divided according to the days of the month. 3
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Understanding why do babies cry?
Your baby’s cries all have a purpose. This is their only way at this time to communicate with you that they need you. Dr. Sears deciphers why do babies cry and what they mean.
The basic answer to why do babies cry is that it is an automatic reaction. A perfect signal is automatic. A newborn cries by reflex. The infant senses a need, which triggers a sudden inspiration of air followed by a forceful expelling of that air through vocal cords, which vibrate to produce the sound we call a cry. In the early months, the tiny infant does not think, “What kind of cry will get me fed?” He just automatically cries. Also, the cry is easily generated. Once his lungs are full of air, the infant can initiate crying with very little effort.
You Are Supposed to Notice
The cry is appropriately disturbing: ear-piercing enough to get the caregiver’s attention and make him or her try to stop the cry, but not so disturbing as to make the listener want to avoid the sound altogether.
Not All Cries Are The Same
Looking further into why do babies cry you learn that the cry can be modified as both the sender and the listener learn ways to make the signal more precise. Each baby’s signal is unique. A baby’s cry is a baby’s language, and each baby cries differently. Voice researchers call these unique sounds cry prints, which are as unique for babies as their fingerprints are.
Responding to baby’s cries is biologically correct. A mother is biologically programmed to give a nurturing response to her newborn’s cries and not to restrain herself. Fascinating biological changes take place in a mother’s body in response to her infant’s cry. Upon hearing her baby cry, the blood flow to a mother’s breasts increases, accompanied by a biological urge to “pick up and nurse.” The act of breastfeeding itself causes a surge in prolactin , a hormone that we feel forms the biological basis of the term “mother’s intuition.” Oxytocin, the hormone that causes a mother’s milk to letdown, brings feelings of relaxation and pleasure; a pleasant release from the tension built up by the baby’s cry. These feelings help you love your baby. Mothers, listen to the biological cues of your body when your baby cries rather than to advisors who tell you to turn a deaf ear. These biological happenings explain why it’s easy for those advisors to say such a thing. They are not biologically connected to your baby. Nothing happens to their hormones when your baby cries.
Ignore or Respond to the Cry Signal?
Once you appreciate the special signal value of your baby’s cry, the important thing is what you do about it. You have two basic options, ignore or respond. Ignoring your baby’s cry is usually a lose-lose situation. A more compliant baby gives up and stops signaling, becomes withdrawn, eventually realizes that crying is not worthwhile, and concludes that he is not worthwhile. The baby loses the motivation to communicate with his parents, and the parents miss out on opportunities to get to know their baby. Everyone loses. A baby with a more persistent personality— most high-need babies—does not give up so easily. Instead, he cries louder and keeps escalating his signal, making it more and more disturbing. You could ignore this persistent signal in several ways. You could wait it out until he stops crying and then pick him up, so that he won’t think it was his crying that got your attention. This is actually a type of power struggle; you teach the baby that you’re in control, but you also teach him that he has no power to communicate. This shuts down parent-child communication, and in the long run everybody loses.You could desensitize yourself completely so that you’re not “bothered” at all by the cry; this way you can teach baby he only gets responded to when it’s “time.” This is another lose-lose situation; baby doesn’t get what he needs and parents remain stuck in a mindset where they can’t enjoy their baby’s unique personality. Or, you could pick baby up to calm him but then put him right back down because “it’s not time to feed him yet.” He has to learn, after all, to be happy “on his own.” Lose-lose again; he will start to cry again and you will feel angry. He will learn that his communication cues, though heard, are not responded to, which can lead him to distrust his own perceptions: “Maybe they’re right. Maybe I’m not hungry.”
Your other option is to give a prompt and nurturing response. This is the win-win way for baby and mother to work out a communication system that helps them both. The mother responds promptly and sensitively so that baby will feel less frantic the next time he needs something. The baby learns to “cry better,” in a less disturbing way since he knows mother will come. Mother structures baby’s environment so that there is less need for him to cry; she keeps him close to her if she knows he’s tired and ready to sleep. Mother also heightens her sensitivity to the cry so that she gives just the right response. A quick response when baby is young and falls apart easily or when the cry makes it clear there is real danger; a slower response when the baby is older and begins to learn how to settle disturbances on his own.
Responding appropriately to your baby’s cry is the first and one of the most difficult, communication challenges you will face as a mother. You will master the system only after rehearsing thousands of cue-responses in the early months. If you initially regard your baby’s cry as a signal to be responded to and evaluated rather than as an unfortunate habit to be broken, you will open yourself up to becoming an expert in your baby’s signals, which will carry over into becoming an expert on everything about your baby. Each mother-baby signal system is unique. That’s why it is so shortsighted for “cry trainers” to prescribe canned cry-response formulas, such as “leave her to cry for five minutes the first night, ten minutes the second,” and so on.
It’s Not Your Fault Baby Cries
Parents, take heart! Many parents when wondering why do babies cry think it is their fault. If you are responsive to your baby and try to keep him feeling secure in his new world, you need not feel that it’s your fault if your baby cries a lot. Nor is it up to you to stop your baby’s crying. Of course, you stay open to learning new things to help your baby (like a change in your diet or a new way of wearing baby), and you get your doctor involved if you suspect a physical cause behind the crying. But there will be times when you won’t know why your baby is crying—you’ll wonder if baby even knows why he’s crying. There may be times when baby simply needs to cry, and you needn’t feel desperate to make him stop after trying all the usual things.
It’s a fact of new parent life that although babies cry to express a need, the style in which they do so is the result of their own temperament. Don’t take baby’s cries personally. Your job is to create a supportive environment that lessens baby’s need to cry, to offer a set of caring and relaxed arms so that baby does not need to cry alone, and to do as much detective work as you can to figure out why your baby is crying and how you can help. The rest is up to baby.
“When I was confused about my mothering, I asked a seasoned calm, impartial mother to observe how I handled my baby on a typical day in my home. Although I know I’m the expert on my own baby, sometimes it’s hard to be objective, and a voice of experience can be helpful.”
What Cry Research Tells Us
Researchers Sylvia Bell and Mary Ainsworth performed studies on why do babies cry in the 1970’s that should have put the spoiling theory on the shelf to spoil forever. (It is interesting that up to that time and even to this day, the infant development writers that preached the cry-it-out advice were nearly always male. It took female researchers to begin to set things straight.) These researchers studied two groups of mother-infant pairs. Group 1 mothers gave a prompt and nurturant response to their infant’s cries. Group 2 mothers were more restrained in their response. They found that children in Group 1 whose mothers had given an early and more nurturant response were less likely to use crying as a means of communication at one year of age. These children seemed more securely attached to their mothers and had developed better communicative skills, becoming less whiny and manipulative.
Up until that time parents had been led to believe that if they picked up their baby every time she cried she would never learn to settle herself and would become more demanding. Bell and Ainsworth’s research showed the opposite. Babies who developed a secure attachment and had their cues responded to in a prompt and nurturing way became less clingy and demanding. More studies were done to shoot down the spoiling theory, showing that babies whose cries were not promptly responded to begin to cry more, longer, and in a more disturbing way. In one study comparing two groups of crying babies, one group of infants received an immediate, nurturant response to their cries, while the other group was left to cry-it-out. The babies whose cries were sensitively attended to cried seventy percent less. The babies in the cry-it-out group, on the other hand, did not decrease their crying. In essence, crying research has shown that babies whose cries were listened and responded to learned to “cry better;” the infants who were the product of a more restrained style of parenting learned to “cry harder.” It is interesting that the studies revealed differences not only in how the babies communicated with the parents based on the response they got to their cries, but there were also differences in the mothers, too. Studies showed that mothers who gave
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Published on 27/12/2011
Environment and health
The definitions of “environment” are subject to variations. They can cover anything that is not genetic, therefore including social factors and behaviours. The field of environmental health, which pertains to the relationship between all the aspects of health and all these factors, is therefore quite large. In addition to this specific aspect related to the scale of the field in question, environmental health has some unique features that make it more difficult to study:
- Medical conditions in which environmental exposures play a role are frequently multifactorial;
- Exposures can be multiproduct, multichannel and multi-risk;
- Exposures are often weak but chronic and often affect a large portion of the population, if not the entire population;
- The latency between exposure and health effects is significant;
- The relative risks analyzed are low and difficult to highlight, but the portion attributable to the environment of many medical conditions can be high due to the exposure’s high prevalence.
- Look up InVS publications on this topic
Air pollution and health
In France as in other countries atmospheric pollution is a public health concern, despite the adoption of guideline values and more stringent emission standards, better surveillance of air quality and a (sometimes significant) drop in the levels of certain pollutants.
In 1997 the Air and Health Surveillance Program (PSAS) was implemented in nine major French cities (Bordeaux, Le Havre, Lille, Lyon, Marseille, Paris, Rouen, Strasbourg and Toulouse). The program is part of the legislation on air and the rational use of energy (LAURE) promulgated on 30 December 1996, which stipulates under Section 3 that “… the State shall ensure… air quality surveillance and… its effects on health.” The law also provides for Regional Plans for Air Quality (PRQA), whose purpose is to lay down guidelines aimed at “preventing, reducing or attenuating the effects of atmospheric pollution”, as well as Plans for the Protection of the Atmosphere (PPA) in cities of more than 250,000 inhabitants. To achieve this, they need to rely on an assessment of the effects of atmospheric pollution on health and therefore require adequate epidemiological tools.
In this respect, the French Institute for Public Health Surveillance is required to maintain and coordinate nationwide activities on the epidemiological surveillance of the health impact of urban atmospheric pollution in the short and long run, and coordinate those activities with European mechanisms. As a result, the Air and Health Surveillance Program is part of InVS’s Department of Environmental Health.
In particular, quantifying long-term effects in France is still based on the results of a small number of US studies, in other terms the question remains regarding the validity of extrapolating these risks to European countries. As there appears to be appreciably more long-term effects than short-term risks, connections between exposure and long-term risks in France must therefore be developed.
In preparing the European Environment and Health Action Plan, human biosurveillance was defined as “surveillance of humans using biological indicators called “biomarkers”, capable of revealing environmental exposures, diseases and/or disorders or any genetic predisposition, and the study of any connections that might exist between them.” The term “biomarkers” includes exposure, effect and susceptibility biomarkers.
For example, a biomarker might be defined as a chemical or the chemical’s resulting products present in the human body (exposure biomarkers). Describing the concentrations of a given biomarker in the organism is usually referred to as “uptakes”. A biomarker can also be the sign of a biological response to the chemical in question (effect biomarker).
Biosurveillance helps to monitor the presence and effects of chemicals on the organism, such as environmental pollutants. In practice, the idea is to measure biomarkers in the body’s fluids and tissues (blood, urine, hair, saliva, breast milk) that might indicate exposure to substances that are toxic for human health or their effects on the human body.
In other terms, biosurveillance is an important tool in evaluating the level of exposure to chemicals in the environment. It improves knowledge on exposures thanks to a direct assessment of total exposure of humans to environmental pollutants. This assessment includes the various sources and routes of exposure. Biosurveillance also takes account of individual physiological differences (respiration, metabolism, etc.) as well as behavioural factors and the activities of each and every individual (microenvironments, hygiene, use of consumer products). This tool provides the knowledge needed to better evaluate and manage health risks posed by chemicals.
Carbon monoxide poisoning
Implementation of the surveillance system for carbon monoxide poisoning, coordinated by the InVS, was the result of a “brainstorming” initiated in the 2000s by health authorities to combat carbon monoxide poisoning. The carbon monoxide poisoning surveillance system was extended to the entire territory in 2005.
Cold temperatures and health
Cold temperatures affect health at various levels: directly by causing hypothermia for example, or indirectly in cases such as carbon monoxide poisoning. Unlike heat which has rapid effects on the organism, cold weather can have either rapid effects (hypothermia, cold air-induced asthma, etc.) or more or less delayed effects (strokes, respiratory infections, etc.). Furthermore, flu epidemics and other infectious outbreaks as well as behaviour-related risk factors can also increase mortality and interfere with the cold. In other terms, it is difficult to identify how much of the risk is connected to cold temperatures when dealing with winter ailments.
Also, even though climate models show a pattern of warming the climate is expected to become more variable within the next few decades, and the occurrence of major cold spells cannot be excluded.
Together with Météo-France the French Institute for Public Health Surveillance monitors the health impact of cold spells on a daily basis using its syndromic surveillance system SurSaUD®. In cases of bad weather forecasts or any observed health impact the health authorities are informed so they can issue suitable communication on what to do. However, long-term preventive measures such as fighting against fuel poverty are recognized by many countries as being the most efficient measures.
What does a newborn's future depend on? Answering this question requires taking into account all the elements of the environment likely to interfere with a child's development: family, social, economic, school, relationship and health factors.
In the late 1990s several public institutions and governmental agencies identified the need to carry out longitudinal studies in France, in particular to follow up children's future, and had started to develop a project along those lines. At the same time, the new National Environmental Health Plan (PNSE) was recommending the implementation of a cohort-type epidemiological study of children in order to better understand environmental and society determinants on health.
The project aimed at setting up a French cohort of 20,000 children was therefore initiated to meet those needs. Children are monitored from birth into adulthood in a multidisciplinary approach with several objectives: motor and cognitive development, education, family and social environment, etc. The cohort was called ELFE (from the French initials meaning Longitudinal Study of Children): https://www.elfe-france.fr/.
Health impacts caused by climate changes
Adapting to climate change – i.e. measures taken to deal with expected changes and limit potential damage - is now considered a public health priority. There is a broader range of potential impacts on health caused by climate changes: emergence or re-emergence of infectious diseases, extreme events becoming more frequent and more intense, significant changes to the environment, water quality, air quality, etc.
The French Institute for Public Health Surveillance strives to identify major risks for France and to suggest possible types of adaptive measures for surveillance and research. Although most risks are currently being monitored from an environmental and health point of view and do not require the development of new systems, climate changes pose new questions in terms of surveillance.
Health consequences of the AZF – Toulouse disaster
On Friday, 21 September 2001 at 10:17 a.m. an explosion occurred in the “AZF” factory near Toulouse. The violent force of the blast, equivalent to an earthquake of approximately 3.4 on the Richter scale, resulted in the death of 30 people and caused several thousand casualties.
Due to the scale of the disaster the French Institute for Public Health Surveillance (InVS) set up an epidemiological monitoring mechanism in the following days to monitor health consequences; many scientific and institutional partners were involved.
The purpose of the mechanism was to very quickly identify the risks for the population due to chemicals released in the environment so as to take (and adapt if necessary) specific surveillance and prevention measures, to assess screening requirements and the health and care to be provided to the population in the short and medium term, and to assess the scale of physical, mental and social sequelae among affected populations in the short and medium term. Three series of crosscutting surveys were carried out among affected populations, particularly among children, the general population, workers and rescuers.
Furthermore, monitoring of a cohort of 3,000 voluntary workers and rescuers was set up in order to assess the health, social and occupational consequences over a period of five years.
Heat and health
The heat wave of August 2003 resulted in an excess mortality of nearly 15,000 deaths, serving as a stark reminder of how vulnerable societies are to extreme climatic events.
As early as 2004 the French Institute for Public Health Surveillance set up several studies to improve knowledge on heat waves and to guide prevention. In cooperation with Météo-France it also implemented a Heat Wave and Health Alert System (Sacs) that is integrated in the National Heat Wave Plan (PNC), the purpose of which is to prevent heat from having major impacts on health.
Since 2003 the only intensive and sustained heat wave occurred in the summer of 2
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0,2,3,1|0,3,2,1|0,1,2,3|1,3,0,2|1,0,2,3|0,3,1,2|0,2,3,1|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,3,2|1,2,0,3|0,1,3,2|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|1,0,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,3,2|0,1,3,2|0,1,3,2|0,1,2,3|0,2,3,1|0,1,2,3|0,2,1,3|1,0,3,2|0,1,2,3|0,2,1,3|0,1,2,3|1,0,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,2,3,1|0,1,2,3|0,1,3,2|0,1,2,3|0,1,3,2|0,1,2,3|3,0,1,2|1,0,3,2|0,1,3,2|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,2,1,3|0,1,3,2|0,1,2,3|0,1,3,2|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,2,3,1|0,2,1,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,3,1,2|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|1,0,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,2,1,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|1,2,3,0|0,3,2,1|1,3,2,0|0,2,1,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,2,1,3|1,2,3,0|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,3,2|0,1,3,2|0,2,1,3|0,2,1,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,2,1,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,3,2|1,0,3,2|2,3,1,0|0,1,2,3|3,0,1,2|0,1,2,3|0,1,3,2|0,2,1,3|0,1,2,3|0,2,3,1|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,3,2|1,0,2,3|0,1,2,3|2,3,0,1|1,2,0,3|0,1,2,3|2,1,0,3|1,0,2,3|0,2,1,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|1,0,2,3|3,1,0,2|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,3,2|0,2,3,1|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,2,1,3|0,1,2,3|0,2,3,1|0,1,2,3|0,2,1,3|0,1,3,2|1,0,3,2|0,1,2,3|1,2,3,0|0,2,1,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|1,0,2,3|2,0,1,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,3,1,2|1,0,3,2|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|1,0,2,3|0,2,3,1|1,0,2,3|0,1,3,2|1,0,2,3|1,0,2,3|2,3,1,0|0,1,2,3|0,1,3,2|0,1,2,3|1,0,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,3,2|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|1,0,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,2,3,1|1,2,3,0|0,1,2,3|1,0,2,3|1,0,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,3,2|0,2,1,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,2,1,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,3,2|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|1,2,3,0|1,2,3,0|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,2,1,3|0,2,1,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,3,2|0,2,1,3|1,2,0,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,2,3,1|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|1,0,3,2|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|1,0,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,3,1,2|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|1,2,3,0|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,2,1,3|0,1,3,2|0,2,1,3|1,2,3,0|0,1,2,3|2,1,0,3|0,1,3,2|0,1,3,2|0,2,3,1|1,2,0,3|1,0,2,3|0,3,1,2|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,2,3,1|0,1,2,3|1,2,0,3|0,2,3,1|0,3,2,1|0,1,2,3|0,2,1,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,3,2|0,1,2,3|0,1,3,2|0,1,2,3|0,2,1,3|0,2,3,1|1,0,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,3,2|1,2,0,3|0,2,1,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|1,0,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,2,3,1|0,1,2,3|0,2,1,3|0,1,3,2|1,3,2,0|0,1,2,3|0,1,3,2|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|1,0,2,3|0,1,3,2|0,1,3,2|0,2,3,1|0,1,3,2|1,2,3,0|0,3,2,1|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,2,1,3|1,2,0,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|1,2,3,0|1,2,0,3|0,1,2,3|3,2,0,1|0,2,3,1|0,1,2,3|0,2,3,1|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,2,3,1|0,3,2,1|1,3,2,0|1,0,3,2|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,3,1,2|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,2,1,3|1,0,2,3|0,1,2,3|3,0,2,1|0,1,2,3|1,0,2,3|1,0,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,2,1,3|0,2,3,1|1,0,2,3|0,2,1,3|0,1,2,3|1,2,3,0|1,2,3,0|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,2,1,3|0,1,2,3|2,1,0,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,2,1,3|0,2,3,1|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,2,1,3|0,1,3,2|0,2,1,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,3,2|0,1,2,3|1,2,3,0|3,1,2,0|0,1,2,3|1,2,0,3|0,2,1,3|0,1,3,2|0,1,2,3|1,0,2,3|0,1,3,2|0,1,3,2|0,3,2,1|1,0,3,2|0,1,2,3|0,2,3,1|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,2,1,3|0,1,2,3|1,2,0,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|1,0,2,3|0,1,2,3|1,0,3,2|0,1,2,3|1,0,3,2|0,1,2,3|1,0,2,3|1,0,3,2|0,1,2,3|0,2,1,3|0,1,2,3|0,2,3,1|0,1,2,3|1,0,3,2|0,3,2,1|0,2,3,1|0,1,2,3|0,2,1,3|1,0,2,3|0,2,3,1|0,2,1,3|1,2,3,0|1,0,2,3|0,2,1,3|0,1,2,3|2,0,3,1|2,3,0,1|1,0,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,3,2|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|1,0,3,2|0,3,2,1|1,0,3,2|0,1,2,3|0,1,3,2|0,1,2,3|1,2,3,0|1,3,2,0|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|2,1,0,3|0,1,3,2|0,1,2,3|1,3,0,2|0,1,3,2|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,2,1,3|0,2,3,1|0,1,3,2|2,0,3,1|0,1,3,2|0,3,2,1|1,0,2,3|1,0,2,3|0,1,2,3|1,0,3,2|0,1,3,2|1,0,2,3|0,2,3,1|1,2,0,3|1,2,3,0|0,2,1,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|1,0,3,2|0,1,2,3|0,2,3,1|0,2,1,3|0,1,2,3|1,2,3,0|1,0,2,3|0,3,2,1|0,1,3,2|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,3,2|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|1,0,3,2|1,2,3,0|0,2,1,3|0,1,3,2|0,1,2,3|0,2,1,3|0,3,1,2|0,2,1,3|0,1,2,3|1,0,2,3|0,1,3,2|1,0,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|3,2,1,0|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|1,0,2,3|0,3,1,2|1,0,2,3|0,1,2,3|1,2,3,0|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|0,1,2,3|1,3,2,0|1,0,3,2|0,1,3,2|0,1,2,3|0,2,3,1|1,2,0,3|0,1,2,3|0,2,1,3|0,1,2,3|1,2,3,0|0,2,1,3|0,2,3,1|3,2,1,0|0,3,2,1|0,1,2,3
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